Thread:Photogfan3529/@comment-24979085-20181224090811/@comment-33385902-20190806213910

This is not Photog, but it's useful:

Joseph Vissarionovich Stalin[b]  (born Ioseb Besarionis dze Jughashvili;[a]  18 December [O.S. 6] 1878[1]  – 5 March 1953) was a Georgian revolutionary and Soviet politician who led the Soviet Union from the mid–1920s until 1953 as General Secretary of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (1922–1953) and Premier (1941–1953). Initially presiding over a collective leadership as first among equals, by the 1930s he was the country's de facto dictator. A communist ideologically committed to the Leninist interpretation of Marxism, Stalin formalised these ideas as Marxism–Leninism, while his own policies are known as Stalinism.

Born to a poor family in Gori in the Russian Empire (now Georgia), Stalin joined the Marxist Russian Social Democratic Labour Party as a youth. He edited the party's newspaper, Pravda, and raised funds for Vladimir Lenin's Bolshevik faction via robberies, kidnappings, and protection rackets. Repeatedly arrested, he underwent several internal exiles. After the Bolsheviks seized power during the 1917 October Revolution and created a one-party state under Lenin's newly renamed Communist Party, Stalin joined its governing Politburo. Serving in the Russian Civil War before overseeing the Soviet Union's establishment in 1922, Stalin assumed leadership over the country following Lenin's 1924 death. Under Stalin, "Socialism in One Country" became a central tenet of the party's dogma. Through the Five-Year Plans, the country underwent agricultural collectivisation and rapid industrialisation, creating a centralised command economy. This led to significant disruptions in food production that contributed to the famine of 1932–33. To eradicate accused "enemies of the working class", Stalin instituted the "Great Purge", in which over a million were imprisoned and at least 700,000 executed between 1934 and 1939. By 1937, he had complete personal control over the party and state.

Stalin's government promoted Marxism–Leninism abroad through the Communist International and supported European anti-fascistmovements during the 1930s, particularly in the Spanish Civil War. In 1939, it signed a non-aggression pact with Nazi Germany, resulting in the Soviet invasion of Poland. Germany ended the pact by invading the Soviet Union in 1941. Despite initial setbacks, the Soviet Red Army repelled the German incursion and captured Berlin in 1945, ending World War II in Europe. The Soviets annexed the Baltic states and helped establish Soviet-aligned governments throughout Central and Eastern Europe, China, and North Korea. The Soviet Union and the United States emerged from the war as global superpowers. Tensions arose between the Soviet-backed Eastern Bloc and U.S.-backed Western Bloc which became known as the Cold War. Stalin led his country through the post-war reconstruction, during which it developed a nuclear weapon in 1949. In these years, the country experienced another major famine and an anti-semiticcampaign peaking in the doctors' plot. Stalin died in 1953 and was eventually succeeded by Nikita Khrushchev, who denounced his predecessor and initiated the de-Stalinisation of Soviet society.

Widely considered one of the 20th century's most significant figures, Stalin was the subject of a pervasive personality cult within the international Marxist–Leninist movement which revered him as a champion of the working class and socialism. Since the dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991, Stalin has retained popularity in Russia and Georgia as a victorious wartime leader who established the Soviet Union as a major world power. Conversely, his totalitarian government has been widely condemned for overseeing mass repressions, ethnic cleansing, deportations, hundreds of thousands of executions, and famines which killed millions.

Early life
Main article: Early life of Joseph Stalin

Childhood to young adulthood: 1878–1899
Stalin was born in the Georgian town of Gori[2]  on 18 December [O.S. 6 Dec] 1878.[3] [c]  His parents were Besarion Jughashvili and Ekaterine Geladze. He was their only child to survive past infancy.[5] [6]  They were ethnically Georgian, and Stalin grew up speaking the Georgian language.[7]  Gori was then part of the Russian Empire, and was home to a population of 20,000, the majority of whom were Georgian but contained Armenian, Russian, and Jewish minorities.[8]  Stalin was baptised on 29 December.[9]  He was nicknamed "Soso", a diminutive of "Ioseb".[10]



Stalin in 1894, aged about 15

Besarion was a shoemaker and owned his own workshop;[11]  it was initially a financial success, but later fell into decline.[12]  The family found itself living in poverty,[13]  moving through nine different rented rooms during ten years.[14]  Besarion became an alcoholic,<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService200417Montefiore200725Kotkin201420Khlevniuk201512_18-0">[15]  and drunkenly beat his wife and son.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest199110Volkogonov19915Service200417Montefiore200729Kotkin201424Khlevniuk201512_19-0">[16]  To escape the abusive relationship, Keke took Stalin and moved into the house of a family friend, Fr. Christopher Charkviani.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest199112Montefiore200731Kotkin201420–21_20-0">[17]  She worked as a house cleaner and launderer for local families sympathetic to her plight.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEMontefiore200732_21-0">[18]  Keke was determined to send her son to school, something that none of the family had previously achieved.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEMontefiore200731_22-0">[19]  In late 1888, aged 10 Stalin enrolled at the Gori Church School. This was normally reserved for the children of clergy, although Charkviani ensured that the boy received a place.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest199111Service200420Montefiore200732–34Kotkin201421_23-0">[20]  Stalin excelled academically,<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest199112Service200430Montefiore200744Kotkin201426_24-0">[21]  displaying talent in painting and drama classes,<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEMontefiore200743–44_25-0">[22]  writing his own poetry,<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEMontefiore200744_26-0">[23]  and singing as a choirboy.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest199113Service200430Montefiore200743Kotkin201426_27-0">[24]  He got into many fights,<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService200420Montefiore200736_28-0">[25]  and a childhood friend later noted that Stalin "was the best but also the naughtiest pupil" in the class.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEMontefiore200745_29-0">[26]  Stalin faced several severe health problems; in 1884, he contracted smallpox and was left with facial pock scars.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest199112Volkogonov19915Service200419Montefiore200731Kotkin201420_30-0">[27]  Aged 12, he was seriously injured after being hit by a phaeton, which was the likely cause of a lifelong disability to his left arm.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest199112Service200425Montefiore200735,_46Kotkin201420–21_31-0">[28]



In 1894 Stalin began his studies at the Tiflis Spiritual Seminary (pictured here in the 1870s).

At his teachers' recommendation, Stalin proceeded to the Spiritual Seminary in Tiflis.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEMontefiore200751Khlevniuk201515_32-0">[29]  He enrolled at the seminary in August 1894,<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEMontefiore200753_33-0">[30]  enabled by a scholarship that allowed him to study at a reduced rate.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEMontefiore200752–53_34-0">[31]  Here he joined 600 trainee priests who boarded at the institution.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEMontefiore200754–55_35-0">[32]  Stalin was again academically successful and gained high grades.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest199119Service200436Montefiore200756Kotkin201432Khlevniuk201516_36-0">[33]  He continued writing poetry; five of his poems were published under the pseudonym of "Soselo" in Ilia Chavchavadze's newspaper Iveria ('Georgia').<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest199118Montefiore200757Kotkin201433_37-0">[34]  Thematically, they dealt with topics like nature, land, and patriotism.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService200438_38-0">[35]  According to Stalin's biographer Simon Sebag Montefiore they became "minor Georgian classics",<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEMontefiore200758_39-0">[36]  and were included in various anthologies of Georgian poetry over the coming years.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEMontefiore200758_39-1">[36]  As he grew older, Stalin lost interest in his studies, his grades dropped,<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEMontefiore200769Kotkin201432Khlevniuk201518_40-0">[37]  and he was repeatedly confined to a cell for his rebellious behaviour.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest199119Montefiore200769Kotkin201436–37Khlevniuk201519_41-0">[38]  Teachers complained that he declared himself an atheist, chatted in class and refused to doff his hat to monks.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEMontefiore200770–71_42-0">[39]

Stalin joined a forbidden book club active at the school;<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest199119Montefiore200762Kotkin201436,_37Khlevniuk201518_43-0">[40]  he was particularly influenced by Nikolay Chernyshevsky's 1863 pro-revolutionary novel What Is To Be Done?<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEMontefiore200763_44-0">[41]  Another influential text was Alexander Kazbegi's The Patricide, with Stalin adopting the nickname "Koba" from that of the book's bandit protagonist.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest199114Volkogonov19915Service200427–28Montefiore200763Kotkin201423–24Khlevniuk201517_45-0">[42]  He also read Capital, the 1867 book by German sociological theorist Karl Marx.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEMontefiore200764_46-0">[43]  Stalin devoted himself to Marx's socio-political theory, Marxism,<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEMontefiore200769_47-0">[44]  which was then on the rise in Georgia, one of various forms of socialism opposed to the empire's governing Tsarist authorities.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService200440Kotkin201443_48-0">[45] At night, he attended secret workers' meetings,<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEMontefiore200766_49-0">[46]  and was introduced to Silibistro "Silva" Jibladze, the Marxist founder of Mesame Dasi ('Third Group'), a Georgian socialist group.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEMontefiore200765Kotkin201444_50-0">[47]  Stalin left the seminary in April 1899; he never returned,<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService200441Montefiore200771_51-0">[48]  although the school encouraged him to come back.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEMontefiore200773_52-0">[49]

Russian Social-Democratic Labour Party: 1899–1904


A mugshot of Stalin made in 1902 by the Batumi police gendarmerie

In October 1899, Stalin began work as a meteorologist at a Tiflis observatory.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest199127Service200443–44Montefiore200776Kotkin201447–48_53-0">[50]  He attracted a group of supporters through his classes in socialist theory,<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEMontefiore200779_54-0">[51]  and co-organised a secret workers' mass meeting for May Day 1900,<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest199127Montefiore200778_55-0">[52]  at which he successfully encouraged many of the men to take strike action.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEMontefiore200778_56-0">[53]  By this point, the empire's secret police — the Okhrana — were aware of Stalin's activities within Tiflis' revolutionary milieu.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEMontefiore200778_56-1">[53]  They attempted to arrest him in March 1901, but he escaped and went into hiding,<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest199127Service200445Montefiore200781–82Kotkin201449_57-0">[54]  living off the donations of friends and sympathisers.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEMontefiore200782_58-0">[55]  Remaining underground, he helped plan a demonstration for May Day 1901, in which 3,000 marchers clashed with the authorities.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest199128Montefiore200782Kotkin201450_59-0">[56]  He continued to evade arrest by using aliases and sleeping in different apartments.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEMontefiore200787_60-0">[57]  In November 1901, he was elected to the Tiflis Committee of the Russian Social Democratic Labour Party (RSDLP), a Marxist party founded in 1898.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTERieber200537–38Montefiore200787–88_61-0">[58]

That month, Stalin travelled to the port city of Batumi.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest199129Service200452Rieber200539Montefiore2007101Kotkin201451_62-0">[59]  His militant rhetoric proved divisive among the city's Marxists, some of whom suspected that he might be an agent provocateur working for the government.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEMontefiore200791,_95Kotkin201453_63-0">[60]  He found employment at the Rothschild refinery storehouse, where he co-organised twice workers' strikes.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEMontefiore200790–93Kotkin201451Khlevniuk201522–23_64-0">[61]  After several strike leaders were arrested, he co-organised a mass public demonstration which led to the storming of the prison; troops fired upon the demonstrators, 13 of whom were killed.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest199129Service200449Montefiore200794–95Kotkin201452Khlevniuk201523_65-0">[62]  Stalin organised a second mass demonstration on the day of their funeral,<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEMontefiore200797–98_66-0">[63]  before being arrested in April 1902.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest199129Service200449Rieber200542Montefiore200798Kotkin201452_67-0">[64]  He was initially held at Batumi Prison,<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService200452Montefiore2007101_68-0">[65]  later being moved to the more secure Kutaisi Prison.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest199129Service200452Montefiore2007105_69-0">[66]  In mid-1903, Stalin was sentenced to three years of exile in eastern Siberia.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest199129Montefiore2007107Kotkin201453Khlevniuk201523_70-0">[67]

Stalin left Batumi in October, arriving at the small Siberian town of Novaya Uda in late November.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest199129Service200452Montefiore2007108–110_71-0">[68]  There, he lived in a two-room peasant's house, sleeping in the building's larder.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEMontefiore2007111_72-0">[69]  He made two escape attempts; on the first he made it to Balagansk before returning due to frostbite.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService200452Montefiore2007114–115_73-0">[70]  His second attempt was successful and he made it to Tiflis.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService200452Montefiore2007115–116Kotkin201453_74-0">[71]  There, he co-edited a Georgian Marxist newspaper, Proletariatis Brdzola ("Proletarian Struggle"), with Philip Makharadze.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService200457Montefiore2007123_75-0">[72]  He called for the Georgian Marxist movement to split off from its Russian counterpart, resulting in several RSDLP members accusing him of holding views contrary to the ethos of Marxist internationalism and calling for his expulsion from the party; he soon recanted his opinions.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService200454Montefiore2007117–118Kotkin201477_76-0">[73]  During his exile, the RSDLP had split between Vladimir Lenin's "Bolsheviks" and Julius Martov's "Mensheviks".<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest199133–34Service200453Montefiore2007113Kotkin201478–79Khlevniuk201524_77-0">[74]  Stalin detested many of the Mensheviks in Georgia and aligned himself with the Bolsheviks.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService200459Kotkin201480Khlevniuk201524_78-0">[75]  Although Stalin established a Bolshevik stronghold in the mining town of Chiatura,<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEMontefiore2007131_79-0">[76]  Bolshevism remained a minority force in the Menshevik-dominated Georgian revolutionary scene.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest199138Service200459_80-0">[77]

Revolution of 1905 and its aftermath: 1905–1912
In January 1905, government troops massacred protesters in Saint Petersburg.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService200456Montefiore2007126_81-0">[78]  Unrest soon spread across the Russian Empire in what came to be known as the Revolution of 1905.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService200456Montefiore2007126_81-1">[78]  Georgia was one of the regions particularly affected.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService200456_82-0">[79]  Stalin was in Baku in February when ethnic violence broke out between Armenians and Azeris; at least 2,000 were killed.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService200458Montefiore2007128–129_83-0">[80]  He publicly lambasted the "pogroms against Jews and Armenians" as being part of Tsar Nicholas II's attempts to "buttress his despicable throne".<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEMontefiore2007129_84-0">[81]  Stalin formed a Bolshevik Battle Squad which he used to try and keep Baku's warring ethnic factions apart; he also used the unrest as a cover for stealing printing equipment.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEMontefiore2007129_84-1">[81]  Amid the growing violence throughout Georgia he formed further Battle Squads, with the Mensheviks doing the same.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEMontefiore2007131–132_85-0">[82]  Stalin's Squads disarmed local police and troops,<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEMontefiore2007132_86-0">[83]  raided government arsenals,<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEMontefiore2007143_87-0">[84]  and raised funds through protection rackets on large local businesses and mines.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEMontefiore2007132–133_88-0">[85]  They launched attacks on the government's Cossack troops and pro-Tsarist Black Hundreds,<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEMontefiore2007135,_144_89-0">[86]  co-ordinating some of their operations with the Menshevik militia.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEMontefiore2007137_90-0">[87]



Stalin first met Vladimir Lenin (pictured) at a 1905 conference in Tampere. Lenin became "Stalin's indispensable mentor".<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEKotkin201481_91-0">[88]

In November 1905, the Georgian Bolsheviks elected Stalin as one of their delegates to a Bolshevik conference in Saint Petersburg.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService200460Montefiore2007145_92-0">[89]  On arrival, he met Lenin's wife Nadezhda Krupskaya, who informed him that the venue had been moved to Tampere in the Grand Duchy of Finland.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEMontefiore2007145_93-0">[90]  At the conference Stalin met Lenin for the first time.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest199137Service200460Kotkin201481_94-0">[91]  Although Stalin held Lenin in deep respect, he was vocal in his disagreement with Lenin's view that the Bolsheviks should field candidates for the forthcoming election to the State Duma; Stalin saw the parliamentary process as a waste of time.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEMontefiore2007147Kotkin2014105_95-0">[92]  In April 1906, Stalin attended the RSDLP Fourth Congress in Stockholm; this was his first trip outside the Russian Empire.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest199139–40Service200461,_62Montefiore2007156_96-0">[93]  At the conference, the RSDLP—then led by its Menshevik majority—agreed that it would not raise funds using armed robbery.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest199140Service200462Khlevniuk201526_97-0">[94]  Lenin and Stalin disagreed with this decision,<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService200462Kotkin2014113_98-0">[95]  and later privately discussed how they could continue the robberies for the Bolshevik cause.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEMontefiore2007168Kotkin2014113_99-0">[96]

Stalin married Kato Svanidze in a church ceremony at Senaki in July 1906.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService200464Montefiore2007159Kotkin2014105_100-0">[97]  In March 1907 she bore a son, Yakov.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService200464Montefiore2007167Kotkin2014106Khlevniuk201525_101-0">[98]  By that year—according to the historian Robert Service—Stalin had established himself as "Georgia's leading Bolshevik".<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService200465_102-0">[99]  He attended the Fifth RSDLP Congress, held in London in May–June 1907.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest199141Service200465Montefiore2007168–170Kotkin2014108_103-0">[100]  After returning to Tiflis, Stalin organised the robbing of a large delivery of money to the Imperial Bank in June 1907. His gang ambushed the armed convoy in Yerevan Square with gunfire and home-made bombs. Around 40 people were killed, but all of his gang escaped alive.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest199141–42Service200475Kotkin2014113_104-0">[101]  After the heist, Stalin settled in Baku with his wife and son.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEMontefiore2007180Kotkin2014114_105-0">[102]  There, Mensheviks confronted Stalin about the robbery and voted to expel him from the RSDLP, but he took no notice of them.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest199143–44Service200476Montefiore2007184_106-0">[103]

In Baku, Stalin secured Bolshevik domination of the local RSDLP branch,<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEMontefiore2007190_107-0">[104]  and edited two Bolshevik newspapers, Bakinsky Proletary and Gudok ("Whistle").<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEMontefiore2007186_108-0">[105]  In August 1907, he attended the Seventh Congress of the Second International—an international socialist organisation—in Stuttgart, Germany.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEMontefiore2007189_109-0">[106]  In November 1907, his wife died of typhus,<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEMontefiore2007191Kotkin2014115_110-0">[107]  and he left his son with her family in Tiflis.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest199144Service200471Montefiore2007193Kotkin2014116_111-0">[108]  In Baku he had reassembled his gang, the Outfit,<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEMontefiore2007194_112-0">[109]  which continued to attack Black Hundreds and raised finances by running protection rackets, counterfeiting currency, and carrying out robberies.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService200474Montefiore2007196Kotkin2014115_113-0">[110]  They also kidnapped the children of several wealthy figures to extract ransom money.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEMontefiore2007197–198Kotkin2014115_114-0">[111]  In early 1908, he travelled to the Swiss city of Geneva to meet with Lenin and the prominent Russian Marxist Georgi Plekhanov, although the latter exasperated him.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEMontefiore2007195_115-0">[112]

In March 1908, Stalin was arrested and interned in Bailov Prison in Baku<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest199144Service200468Montefiore2007203Kotkin2014116_116-0">[113]  There, he led the imprisoned Bolsheviks, organised discussion groups, and ordered the killing of suspected informants.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest199145Montefiore2007203–204_117-0">[114]  He was eventually sentenced to two years exile in the village of Solvychegodsk, Vologda Province, arriving there in February 1909.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest199145Service200468Montefiore2007206,_208Kotkin2014116_118-0">[115]  In June, he escaped the village and made it to Kotlas disguised as a woman and from there to Saint Petersburg.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest199146Montefiore2007212Kotkin2014117_119-0">[116]  In March 1910, he was arrested again, and sent back to Solvychegodsk.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest199146Montefiore2007222,_226Kotkin2014121_120-0">[117] There he had affairs with at least two women; his landlady, Maria Kuzakova, later gave birth to his second son, Konstantin.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService200479Montefiore2007227,_229,_230–231Kotkin2014121_121-0">[118]  In June 1911, Stalin was given permission to move to Vologda, where he stayed for two months,<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest199147Service200480Montefiore2007231,_234Kotkin2014121_122-0">[119]  having a relationship with Pelageya Onufrieva.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService200479Montefiore2007234Kotkin2014121_123-0">[120]  He escaped to Saint Petersburg,<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEMontefiore2007236Kotkin2014121_124-0">[121]  where he was arrested in September 1911, and sentenced to a further three-year exile in Vologda.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEMontefiore2007237Kotkin2014121–22_125-0">[122]

Rise to the Central Committee and editorship of Pravda: 1912–1917


The first issue of Pravda, the Bolshevik newspaper of which Stalin was editor

While Stalin was in exile, the first Bolshevik Central Committee had been elected at the Prague Conference, after which Lenin and Grigory Zinoviev invited Stalin to join it. Still in Vologda, Stalin agreed, remaining a Central Committee member for the rest of his life.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest199148Service200483Montefiore2007240Kotkin2014122–123_126-0">[123]  Lenin believed that Stalin, as a Georgian, would help secure support for the Bolsheviks from the Empire's minority ethnicities.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEMontefiore2007240_127-0">[124]  In February 1912, Stalin again escaped to Saint Petersburg,<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEMontefiore2007241_128-0">[125]  tasked with converting the Bolshevik weekly newspaper, Zvezda ("Star") into a daily, Pravda ("Truth").<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService200484Montefiore2007243_129-0">[126]  The new newspaper was launched in April 1912,<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService200484Montefiore2007247_130-0">[127]  although Stalin's role as editor was kept secret.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService200484Montefiore2007247_130-1">[127]

In May 1912, he was arrested again and imprisoned in the Shpalerhy Prison, before being sentenced to three years exile in Siberia.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest199151Montefiore2007248_131-0">[128]  In July, he arrived at the Siberian village of Narym,<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEMontefiore2007249Kotkin2014133_132-0">[129]  where he shared a room with fellow Bolshevik Yakov Sverdlov.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService200486Montefiore2007250Kotkin2014154_133-0">[130]  After two months, Stalin and Sverdlov escaped back to Saint Petersburg.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest199151Service200486–87Montefiore2007250–251_134-0">[131]  During a brief period back in Tiflis, Stalin and the Outfit planned the ambush of a mail coach, during which most of the group—although not Stalin—were apprehended by the authorities.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEMontefiore2007252–253_135-0">[132]  Stalin returned to Saint Petersburg, where he continued editing and writing articles for Pravda.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEMontefiore2007255_136-0">[133]



Stalin in 1915

After the October 1912 Duma elections resulted in six Bolsheviks and six Mensheviks being elected, Stalin wrote articles calling for reconciliation between the two Marxist factions, for which he was criticised by Lenin.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEMontefiore2007256_137-0">[134]  In late 1912, he twice crossed into the Austro-Hungarian Empire to visit Lenin in Kraków,<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest199152Service200487–88Montefiore2007256–259Kotkin2014133_138-0">[135]  eventually bowing to Lenin's opposition to reunification with the Mensheviks.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEMontefiore2007263_139-0">[136]  In January 1913 Stalin travelled to Vienna,<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest199154Service200489Montefiore2007263_140-0">[137]  there focusing on the 'national question' of how the Bolsheviks should deal with the Russian Empire's national and ethnic minorities.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService200489Montefiore2007264–265_141-0">[138]  Lenin wanted to attract these groups to the Bolshevik cause by offering them the right of secession from the Russian state, but at the same time hoped they would remain part of a future Bolshevik-governed Russia.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEMontefiore2007266_142-0">[139]  Stalin's finished article was titled Marxism and the National Question;<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest199153Service200485Montefiore2007266Kotkin2014133_143-0">[140]  Lenin was very happy with it.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEMontefiore2007267_144-0">[141]  According to Montefiore, this was "Stalin's most famous work".<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEMontefiore2007266_142-1">[139]  The article was published under the pseudonym of "K. Stalin",<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEMontefiore2007267_144-1">[141]  a name he had been using since 1912.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEHimmer1986269Volkogonov19917Service200485_145-0">[142]  Derived from the Russian word for steel (stal),<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEHimmer1986269Service200485_146-0">[143]  this has been translated as "Man of Steel";<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEHimmer1986269Volkogonov19917Montefiore2007268Kotkin2014133_147-0">[144]  Stalin may have intended it to imitate Lenin's pseudonym.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEHimmer1986269_148-0">[145]  Stalin retained this name for the rest of his life, possibly because it had been used on the article which established his reputation among the Bolsheviks.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEMontefiore2007267–268_149-0">[146]

In February 1913, Stalin was arrested while back in Saint Petersburg.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEMontefiore2007268–270Khlevniuk201528_150-0">[147]  He was sentenced to four years exile in Turukhansk, a remote part of Siberia from which escape was particularly difficult.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest199154Service2004102–103Montefiore2007270,_273Khlevniuk201529_151-0">[148]  In August, he arrived in the village of Monastyrskoe, although after four weeks was relocated to the hamlet of Kostino.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEMontefiore2007273–274_152-0">[149]  In March 1914, concerned over a potential escape attempt, the authorities moved Stalin to the hamlet of Kureika on the edge of the Arctic Circle.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest199155Service2004105–106Montefiore2007277–278Khlevniuk201529_153-0">[150]  In the hamlet, Stalin had a relationship with Lidia Pereprygia, who was thirteen at the time and thus a year under the legal age of consent in Tsarist Russia.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004107Montefiore2007282–285Kotkin2014155Khlevniuk201530_154-0">[151]  In or about December 1914, Pereprygia gave birth to Stalin's child, although the infant soon died.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEMontefiore2007292–293_155-0">[152]  She gave birth to another of his children, Alexander, circa April 1917.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEMontefiore2007298,_300_156-0">[153]  In Kureika, Stalin lived closely with the indigenous Tunguses and Ostyak,<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEMontefiore2007287_157-0">[154]  and spent much of his time fishing.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest199156Service2004110Montefiore2007288–289_158-0">[155]

Russian Revolution: 1917
While Stalin was in exile, Russia entered the First World War, and in October 1916 Stalin and other exiled Bolsheviks were conscripted into the Russian Army, leaving for Monastyrskoe.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest199157Service2004113–114Montefiore2007300Kotkin2014155_159-0">[156]  They arrived in Krasnoyarsk in February 1917,<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest199157Montefiore2007301–302Kotkin2014155_160-0">[157]  where a medical examiner ruled Stalin unfit for military service due to his crippled arm.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004114Montefiore2007302Kotkin2014155_161-0">[158]  Stalin was required to serve four more months on his exile, and he successfully requested that he serve it in nearby Achinsk.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004114Montefiore2007302_162-0">[159]  Stalin was in the city when the February Revolution took place; uprisings broke out in Petrograd—as Saint Petersburg had been renamed—and Tsar Nicholas II abdicated to escape being violently overthrown. The Russian Empire became a de facto republic, headed by a Provisional Government dominated by liberals.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest199157–58Service2004116–117Montefiore2007302–303Kotkin2014178Khlevniuk201542_163-0">[160]  In a celebratory mood, Stalin travelled by train to Petrograd in March.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEVolkogonov199115,_19Service2004117Montefiore2007304Kotkin2014173_164-0">[161]  There, Stalin and fellow Bolshevik Lev Kamenev assumed control of Pravda,<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEVolkogonov199119Service2004120Montefiore2007310_165-0">[162]  and Stalin was appointed the Bolshevik representative to the Executive Committee of the Petrograd Soviet, an influential council of the city's workers.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest199159–60Montefiore2007310_166-0">[163]  In April, Stalin came third in the Bolshevik elections for the party's Central Committee; Lenin came first and Zinoviev came second.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest199164Service2004131Montefiore2007316Kotkin2014193Khlevniuk201546_167-0">[164]  This reflected his senior standing in the party at the time.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEMontefiore2007316_168-0">[165]

The existing government of landlords and capitalists must be replaced by a new government, a government of workers and peasants. The existing pseudo-government which was not elected by the people and which is not accountable to the people must be replaced by a government recognised by the people, elected by representatives of the workers, soldiers and peasants and held accountable to their representatives.

— Stalin's editorial in Pravda, October 1917<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004144_169-0">[166]

Stalin helped organise the July Days uprising, an armed display of strength by Bolshevik supporters.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest199165Montefiore2007319–320_170-0">[167]  After the demonstration was suppressed, the Provisional Government initiated a crackdown on the Bolsheviks, raiding Pravda.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEMontefiore200732_21-1">[18]  During this raid, Stalin smuggled Lenin out of the newspaper's office and took charge of the Bolshevik leader's safety, moving him between Petrograd safe houses before smuggling him to Razliv.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEMontefiore2007322–324Kotkin2014203Khlevniuk201548–49_171-0">[168]  In Lenin's absence, Stalin continued editing Pravda and served as acting leader of the Bolsheviks, overseeing the party's Sixth Congress, which was held covertly.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEMontefiore2007326Kotkin2014204_172-0">[169]  Lenin began calling for the Bolsheviks to seize power by toppling the Provisional Government in a coup d'état. Stalin and fellow senior Bolshevik Leon Trotsky both endorsed Lenin's plan of action, but it was initially opposed by Kamenev and other party members.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest199168Service2004138_173-0">[170]  Lenin returned to Petrograd and secured a majority in favour of a coup at a meeting of the Central Committee on 10 October.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEMontefiore2007332–333,_335_174-0">[171]

On 24 October, police raided the Bolshevik newspaper offices, smashing machinery and presses; Stalin salvaged some of this equipment to continue his activities.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004144Montefiore2007337–338_175-0">[172]  In the early hours of 25 October, Stalin joined Lenin in a Central Committee meeting in the Smolny Institute, from where the Bolshevik coup—the October Revolution—was directed.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004145Montefiore2007341_176-0">[173]  Bolshevik militia seized Petrograd's electric power station, main post office, state bank, telephone exchange, and several bridges.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEMontefiore2007341–342_177-0">[174]  A Bolshevik-controlled ship, the Aurora, opened fire on the Winter Palace; the Provisional Government's assembled delegates surrendered and were arrested by the Bolsheviks.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEMontefiore2007344–346_178-0">[175]  Although he had been tasked with briefing the Bolshevik delegates of the Second Congress of Soviets about the developing situation, Stalin's role in the coup had not been publicly visible.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004145,_147_179-0">[176] Trotsky and other later Bolshevik opponents of Stalin used this as evidence that his role in the coup had been insignificant, although later historians reject this.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004144–146Kotkin2014224Khlevniuk201552_180-0">[177]  According to the historian Oleg Khlevniuk, Stalin "filled an important role [in the October Revolution]... as a senior Bolshevik, member of the party's Central Committee, and editor of its main newspaper";<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEKhlevniuk201553_181-0">[178]  the historian Stephen Kotkin similarly noted that Stalin had been "in the thick of events" in the build-up to the coup.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEKotkin2014177_182-0">[179]

In Lenin's government
Main article: Joseph Stalin in the Russian Revolution, Russian Civil War, and Polish–Soviet War

Consolidating power: 1917–1918
On 26 October, Lenin declared himself Chairman of a new government, the Council of People's Commissars ("Sovnarkom").<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004147–148Kotkin2014227–228,_229Khlevniuk201552_183-0">[180]  Stalin backed Lenin's decision not to form a coalition with the Mensheviks and Socialist Revolutionary Party, although they did form a coalition government with the Left Socialist Revolutionaries.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEVolkogonov199128–29Service2004148_184-0">[181]  Stalin became part of an informal foursome leading the government, alongside Lenin, Trotsky, and Sverdlov;<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest199171Kotkin2014228_185-0">[182]  of these, Sverdlov was regularly absent, and died in March 1919.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest199171,_90Kotkin2014318_186-0">[183]  Stalin's office was based near to Lenin's in the Smolny Institute,<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest199171Kotkin2014229_187-0">[184]  and he and Trotsky were the only individuals allowed access to Lenin's study without an appointment.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEMontefiore200327Kotkin2014226_188-0">[185]  Although not so publicly well known as Lenin or Trotsky,<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004150_189-0">[186]  Stalin's importance among the Bolsheviks grew.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEMontefiore2003157_190-0">[187]  He co-signed Lenin's decrees shutting down hostile newspapers,<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004149_191-0">[188]  and with Sverdlov chaired the sessions of the committee drafting a constitution for the new Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004155_192-0">[189]  He strongly supported Lenin's formation of the Cheka security service and the subsequent Red Terror that it initiated; noting that state violence had proved an effective tool for capitalist powers, he believed that it would prove the same for the Soviet government.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004158_193-0">[190]  Unlike senior Bolsheviks like Kamenev and Nikolai Bukharin, Stalin never expressed concern about the rapid growth and expansion of the Cheka and Terror.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004158_193-1">[190]



The Moscow Kremlin, which Stalin moved into in 1918

Having dropped his editorship of Pravda,<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004148_194-0">[191]  Stalin was appointed the People's Commissar for Nationalities.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest199170Volkogonov199130Service2004148Kotkin2014228Khlevniuk201552_195-0">[192]  He took Nadezhda Alliluyeva as his secretary,<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest199172Service2004151_196-0">[193]  and at some point married her, although the wedding date is unknown.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest199172Service2004167Kotkin2014264Khlevniuk201549_197-0">[194]  In November 1917, he signed the Decree on Nationality, according ethnic and national minorities living in Russia the right of secession and self-determination.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest199171_198-0">[195]  The decree's purpose was primarily strategic; the Bolsheviks wanted to gain favour among ethnic minorities but hoped that the latter would not actually desire independence.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest199171Service2004152_199-0">[196]  That month, he travelled to Helsinki to talk with the Finnish Social-Democrats, granting Finland's request for independence in December.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest199171Service2004152_199-1">[196]  His department allocated funds for the establishment of presses and schools in the languages of various ethnic minorities.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004153_200-0">[197]  Socialist Revolutionaries accused Stalin's talk of federalism and national self-determination as a front for Sovnarkom's centralising and imperialist policies.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004155_192-1">[189]

Due to the ongoing First World War, in which Russia was fighting the Central Powers of Germany and Austria-Hungary, Lenin's government relocated from Petrograd to Moscow in March 1918. There, they based themselves in the Kremlin; it was here that Stalin, Trotsky, Sverdlov, and Lenin lived.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest199172Service2004150–151Kotkin2014259–264_201-0">[198]  Stalin supported Lenin's desire to sign an armistice with the Central Powers regardless of the cost in territory.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest199175Service2004158–161Kotkin2014250_202-0">[199]  Stalin thought it necessary because—unlike Lenin—he was unconvinced that Europe was on the verge of proletarian revolution.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004159–160Kotkin2014250_203-0">[200]  Lenin eventually convinced the other senior Bolsheviks of his viewpoint, resulting in the signing of the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk in March 1918.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest199175Service2004161Kotkin2014257–258_204-0">[201]  The treaty gave vast areas of land and resources to the Central Powers and angered many in Russia; the Left Socialist Revolutionaries withdrew from the coalition government over the issue.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004161Kotkin2014258–259,_265_205-0">[202]  The governing RSDLP party was soon renamed, becoming the Russian Communist Party.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEKotkin2014259_206-0">[203]

Military Command: 1918–1921
After the Bolsheviks seized power, both right and left-wing armies rallied against them, generating the Russian Civil War.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004165Kotkin2014268–270_207-0">[204]  To secure access to the dwindling food supply, in May 1918 Sovnarkom sent Stalin to Tsaritsyn to take charge of food procurement in southern Russia.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest199177Volkogonov199139Montefiore200327Service2004163Kotkin2014300–301Khlevniuk201554_208-0">[205]  Eager to prove himself as a commander,<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004173_209-0">[206]  once there he took control of regional military operations.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004164Kotkin2014302–303_210-0">[207]  He befriended two military figures, Kliment Voroshilov and Semyon Budyonny, who would form the nucleus of his military and political support base.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest199178,_82Montefiore200728Khlevniuk201555_211-0">[208]  Believing that victory was assured by numerical superiority, he sent large numbers of Red Army troops into battle against the region's anti-Bolshevik White armies, resulting in heavy losses; Lenin was concerned by this costly tactic.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest199181Service2004170_212-0">[209]  In Tsaritsyn, Stalin commanded the local Cheka branch to execute suspected counter-revolutionaries, sometimes without trial,<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEVolkogonov199146Montefiore200727Kotkin2014305,_307Khlevniuk201556–57_213-0">[210]  and—in contravention of government orders—purged the military and food collection agencies of middle-class specialists, some of whom he also executed.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest199178–79Volkogonov199140Service2004166Khlevniuk201555_214-0">[211]  His use of state violence and terror was at a greater scale than most Bolshevik leaders approved of;<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004171_215-0">[212]  for instance, he ordered several villages to be torched to ensure compliance with his food procurement program.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004169_216-0">[213]



Joseph Stalin, Lenin, and Mikhail Kalinin meeting in 1919. All three of them were "Old Bolsheviks"—members of the Bolshevik party before the October Revolution.

In December 1918, Stalin was sent to Perm to lead an inquiry into how Alexander Kolchak's White forces had been able to decimate Red troops based there.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest199183–84Service2004172Kotkin2014314_217-0">[214]  He returned to Moscow between January and March 1919,<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004172_218-0">[215]  before being assigned to the Western Front at Petrograd.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest199185Service2004172_219-0">[216]  When the Red Third Regiment defected, he ordered the public execution of captured defectors.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004172_218-1">[215]  In September he was returned to the Southern Front.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004172_218-2">[215]  During the war, he proved his worth to the Central Committee, displaying decisiveness, determination, and a willingness to take on responsibility in conflict situations.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004173_209-1">[206]  At the same time, he disregarded orders and repeatedly threatened to resign when affronted.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004173,_174_220-0">[217]  In November 1919, the government awarded him the Order of the Red Banner for his wartime service.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest199186Volkogonov199145Kotkin2014331_221-0">[218]

The Bolsheviks had won the civil war by late 1919.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004175_222-0">[219]  Sovnarkom turned its attention to spreading proletarian revolution abroad, to this end forming the Communist International in March 1919; Stalin attended its inaugural ceremony.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest199191Service2004175_223-0">[220] Although Stalin did not share Lenin's belief that Europe's proletariat were on the verge of revolution, he acknowledged that as long as it stood alone, Soviet Russia remained vulnerable.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004176_224-0">[221]  In December 1918, he drew up decrees recognising Marxist-governed Soviet republics in Estonia, Lithuania, and Latvia;<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004199_225-0">[222]  during the civil war these Marxist governments were overthrown and the Baltic countries became fully independent of Russia, an act Stalin regarded as illegitimate.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004203,_190_226-0">[223]  In February 1920, he was appointed to head the Workers' and Peasants' Inspectorate;<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004174_227-0">[224]  that same month he was also transferred to the Caucasian Front.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004178_228-0">[225]

Following earlier clashes between Polish and Russian troops, the Polish–Soviet War broke out in early 1920, with the Poles invading Ukraine and taking Kiev.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004176Kotkin2014352–354_229-0">[226]  Stalin was moved to Ukraine, on the Southwest Front.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004178Kotkin2014357Khlevniuk201559_230-0">[227]  The Red Army forced the Polish troops back into Poland.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004176–177_231-0">[228]  Lenin believed that the Polish proletariat would rise up to support the Russians against Józef Piłsudski's Polish government. Stalin had cautioned against this; he believed that nationalism would lead the Polish working-classes to support their government's war effort. He also believed that the Red Army was ill-prepared to conduct an offensive war and that it would give White Armies a chance to resurface in Crimea, potentially reigniting the civil war.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004177_232-0">[229]  Stalin lost the argument, after which he accepted Lenin's decision and supported it.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004178_228-1">[225]  Along the Southwest Front, he became determined to conquer Lwów; in focusing on this goal he disobeyed orders to transfer his troops to assist Mikhail Tukhachevsky's forces.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest199187Service2004179Kotkin2014362Khlevniuk201560_233-0">[230]  In August, the Poles repulsed the Russian advance and Stalin returned to Moscow.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004180,_182_234-0">[231]  A Polish-Soviet peace treaty was signed; Stalin saw this as a failure for which he blamed Trotsky.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004183_235-0">[232]  In turn, Trotsky accused Stalin of "strategic mistakes" in his handling of the war at the Ninth Bolshevik Conference.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEDavies2003211Service2004183–185Kotkin2014376–377_236-0">[233]  Stalin felt resentful and under-appreciated; in September he demanded demission from the military, which was granted.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004182–183Kotkin2014365_237-0">[234]

Lenin's final years: 1921–1923


Stalin (right) confers with an ailing Lenin at Gorky in September 1922

The Soviet government sought to bring neighbouring states under its domination; in February 1921 it invaded the Menshevik-governed Georgia,<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEKotkin2014396–397_238-0">[235]  while in April 1921, Stalin ordered the Red Army into Turkestan to reassert Russian state control.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEKotkin2014388_239-0">[236]  As People's Commissar for Nationalities, Stalin believed that each national and ethnic group should have the right to self-expression,<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004202_240-0">[237]  facilitated through "autonomous republics" within the Russian state in which they could oversee various regional affairs.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004199–200Kotkin2014371_241-0">[238]  In taking this view, some Marxists accused him of bending too much to bourgeois nationalism, while others accused him of remaining too Russocentric by seeking to retain these nations within the Russian state.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004202_240-1">[237]

Stalin's native Caucasus posed a particular problem due to its highly multi-ethnic mix.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004200_242-0">[239]  Stalin opposed the idea of separate Georgian, Armenian, and Azerbaijani autonomous republics, arguing that these would likely oppress ethnic minorities within their respective territories; instead he called for a Transcaucasian Socialist Federative Soviet Republic.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004194–196Kotkin2014400_243-0">[240]  The Georgian Communist Party opposed the idea, resulting in the Georgian Affair.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004194–195Kotkin2014479–481_244-0">[241]  In mid-1921, Stalin returned to the southern Caucasus, there calling on Georgian Communists to avoid the chauvinistic Georgian nationalism which marginalised the Abkhazian, Ossetian, and Adjarian minorities in Georgia.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004203–205Kotkin2014400_245-0">[242]  On this trip, Stalin met with his son Yakov, and brought him back to Moscow;<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest1991127Service2004232_246-0">[243]  Nadya had given birth to another of Stalin's sons, Vasily, in March 1921.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest1991127Service2004232_246-1">[243]

After the civil war, workers' strikes and peasant uprisings broke out across Russia, largely in opposition to Sovnarkom's food requisitioning project; as an antidote, Lenin introduced market-oriented reforms: the New Economic Policy (NEP).<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest199189Service2004187Kotkin2014344Khlevniuk201564_247-0">[244]  There was also internal turmoil in the Communist Party, as Trotsky led a faction calling for the abolition of trade unions; Lenin opposed this and Stalin helped rally opposition to Trotsky's position.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004186_248-0">[245]  Stalin also agreed to supervise the Department of Agitation and Propaganda in the Central Committee Secretariat.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004188_249-0">[246]  At the 11th Party Congress in 1922, Lenin nominated Stalin as the party's new General Secretary. Although concerns were expressed that adopting this new post on top of his others would overstretch his workload and give him too much power, Stalin was appointed to the position.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest199196Volkogonov199178–70Service2004189–190Kotkin2014411_250-0">[247]  For Lenin, it was advantageous to have a key ally in this crucial post.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004190_251-0">[248]

Stalin is too crude, and this defect which is entirely acceptable in our milieu and in relationships among us as communists, becomes unacceptable in the position of General Secretary. I therefore propose to comrades that they should devise a means of removing him from this job and should appoint to this job someone else who is distinguished from comrade Stalin in all other respects only by the single superior aspect that he should be more tolerant, more polite and more attentive towards comrades, less capricious, etc.

— Lenin's Testament, 4 January 1923;<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2000369Service2004209Kotkin2014504_252-0">[249]  this was possibly composed by Krupskaya rather than Lenin himself.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEKotkin2014501_253-0">[250]

In May 1922, a massive stroke left Lenin partially paralyzed.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest199197Volkogonov199153Service2004191_254-0">[251]  Residing at his Gorki dacha, Lenin's main connection to Sovnarkom was through Stalin, who was a regular visitor.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004191–192Kotkin2014413_255-0">[252]  Lenin twice asked Stalin to procure poison so that he could commit suicide, but Stalin never did so.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004192Kotkin2014414Khlevniuk201568_256-0">[253]  Despite this comradeship, Lenin disliked what he referred to as Stalin's "Asiatic" manner, and told his sister Maria that Stalin was "not intelligent".<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest1991102Service2004191–192Kotkin2014528_257-0">[254]  Lenin and Stalin argued on the issue of foreign trade; Lenin believed that the Soviet state should have a monopoly on foreign trade, but Stalin supported Grigori Sokolnikov's view that doing so was impractical at that stage.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest199198Service2004193Kotkin2014483Khlevniuk201569–70_258-0">[255]  Another disagreement came over the Georgian Affair, with Lenin backing the Georgian Central Committee's desire for a Georgian Soviet Republic over Stalin's idea of a Transcaucasian one.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest199195Service2004195Khlevniuk201571–72_259-0">[256]

They also disagreed on the nature of the Soviet state. Lenin called for the country to be renamed the "Union of Soviet Republics of Europe and Asia", reflecting his desire for expansion across the two continents. Stalin believed this would encourage independence sentiment among non-Russians, instead arguing that ethnic minorities would be content as "autonomous republics" within the Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEVolkogonov199171Service2004194Kotkin2014475–476Khlevniuk201568–69_260-0">[257]  Lenin accused Stalin of "Great Russian chauvinism"; Stalin accused Lenin of "national liberalism".<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest199198–99Service2004195Kotkin2014477,_478Khlevniuk201569_261-0">[258]  A compromise was reached, in which the country would be renamed the "Union of Soviet Socialist Republics" (USSR).<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004195_262-0">[259]  The USSR's formation was ratified in December 1922; although officially a federal system, all major decisions were taken by the governing Politburo of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union in Moscow.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEVolkogonov199174Service2004206Kotkin2014485_263-0">[260]

Their differences also became personal; Lenin was particularly angered when Stalin was rude to his wife Krupskaya during a telephone conversation.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest199199–100,_103Volkogonov199172–74Service2004210–211Khlevniuk201570–71_264-0">[261]  In the final years of his life, Krupskaya provided governing figures with Lenin's Testament, a series of increasingly disparaging notes about Stalin. These criticised Stalin's rude manners and excessive power, suggesting that Stalin should be removed from the position of General Secretary.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest1991100–101Volkogonov199153,_79–82Service2004208–209Khlevniuk201571_265-0">[262]  Some historians have questioned whether Lenin ever produced these, suggesting instead that they may have been written by Krupskaya, who had personal differences with Stalin;<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEKotkin2014501_253-1">[250]  Stalin, however, never publicly voiced concerns about their authenticity.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEKotkin2014528_266-0">[263]

Rise to power
Main article: Rise of Joseph Stalin

Succeeding Lenin: 1924–1927


(From left to right) Stalin, Alexei Rykov, Lev Kamenev, and Grigori Zinoviev in 1925

Lenin died in January 1924.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest1991104Montefiore200330Service2004219Kotkin2014534Khlevniuk201579_267-0">[264]  Stalin took charge of the funeral and was one of its pallbearers; against the wishes of Lenin's widow, the Politburo embalmed his corpse and placed it within a mausoleum in Moscow's Red Square.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest1991110Montefiore200330Service2004219Kotkin2014542–543_268-0">[265]  It was incorporated into a growing personality cult devoted to Lenin, with Petrograd being renamed "Leningrad" that year.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest1991130Montefiore200330Service2004221Kotkin2014540_269-0">[266]  To bolster his image as a devoted Leninist, Stalin gave nine lectures at Sverdlov University on the "Foundations of Leninism", later published in book form.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest1991111–112Volkogonov1991117–118Service2004221Kotkin2014544_270-0">[267]  At the following 13th Party Congress, "Lenin's Testament" was read to senior figures. Embarrassed by its contents, Stalin offered his resignation as General Secretary; this act of humility saved him and he was retained in the position.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest1991111Volkogonov199193–94Service2004222–224Kotkin2014546–548Khlevniuk201579_271-0">[268]

As General Secretary, Stalin had had a free hand in making appointments to his own staff, implanting his loyalists throughout the party and administration.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEKotkin2014426_272-0">[269]  Favouring new Communist Party members, many from worker and peasant backgrounds, to the "Old Bolsheviks" who tended to be university educated,<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEKotkin2014453_273-0">[270]  he ensured he had loyalists dispersed across the country's regions.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEKotkin2014455_274-0">[271]  Stalin had much contact with young party functionaries,<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEKotkin2014469_275-0">[272]  and the desire for promotion led many provincial figures to seek to impress Stalin and gain his favour.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEKotkin2014432_276-0">[273] Stalin also developed close relations with the trio at the heart of the secret police (first the Cheka and then its replacement, the State Political Directorate): Felix Dzerzhinsky, Genrikh Yagoda, and Vyacheslav Menzhinsky.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEKotkin2014495–496_277-0">[274]  In his private life, he divided his time between his Kremlin apartment and a dacha at Zubalova;<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest1991127Service2004235_278-0">[275]  his wife gave birth to a daughter, Svetlana, in February 1926.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest1991127Service2004238_279-0">[276]

In the wake of Lenin's death, various protagonists emerged in the struggle to become his successor: alongside Stalin was Trotsky, Zinoviev, Kamenev, Bukharin, Alexei Rykov, and Mikhail Tomsky.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEFainsodHough1979111_280-0">[277]  Stalin saw Trotsky—whom he personally despised<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEVolkogonov1991136_281-0">[278] —as the main obstacle to his dominance within the party.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEMontefiore200327_282-0">[279]  While Lenin had been ill he had forged an anti-Trotsky alliance with Kamenev and Zinoviev.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest199198Kotkin2014474Khlevniuk201552_283-0">[280]  Although Zinoviev was concerned about Stalin's growing authority, he rallied behind him at the 13th Congress as a counterweight to Trotsky, who now led a party faction known as the Left Opposition.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004214–215,_217_284-0">[281]  The Left Opposition believed the NEP conceded too much to capitalism; Stalin was called a "rightist" for his support of the policy.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEKhlevniuk201587_285-0">[282]  Stalin built up a retinue of his supporters in the Central Committee,<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004225_286-0">[283]  while the Left Opposition were gradually removed from their positions of influence.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004227_287-0">[284]  He was supported in this by Bukharin, who like Stalin believed that the Left Opposition's proposals would plunge the Soviet Union into instability.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004228_288-0">[285]



Stalin and his close associates Anastas Mikoyan and Sergo Ordzhonikidze in Tbilisi, 1925

In late 1924, Stalin moved against Kamenev and Zinoviev, removing their supporters from key positions.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004228Kotkin2014563_289-0">[286]  In 1925, Kamenev and Zinoviev moved into open opposition of Stalin and Bukharin.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004340_290-0">[287]  They attacked one another at the 14th Party Congress, where Stalin accused Kamenev and Zinoviev of reintroducing factionalism—and thus instability—into the party.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004240–243Khlevniuk201582–83_291-0">[288]  In mid-1926, Kamenev and Zinoviev joined with Trotsky's supporters to form the United Opposition against Stalin;<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest1991126Conquest200811Kotkin2014614Khlevniuk201583_292-0">[289]  in October they agreed to stop factional activity under threat of expulsion, and later publicly recanted their views under Stalin's command.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest1991137,_138Kotkin2014614_293-0">[290]  The factionalist arguments continued, with Stalin threatening to resign in October and then December 1926 and again in December 1927.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004247Kotkin2014614,_618Khlevniuk201591_294-0">[291]  In October 1927, Zinoviev and Trotsky were removed from the Central Committee;<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEKhlevniuk201585_295-0">[292]  the latter was exiled to Kazakhstan and later deported from the country in 1929.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest1991139,_151Service2004282–283Conquest200811–12Kotkin2014676–677Khlevniuk201585_296-0">[293]  Some of those United Opposition members who were repentant were later rehabilitated and returned to government.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEVolkogonov1991164Service2004282_297-0">[294]

Stalin was now the party's supreme leader,<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004276_298-0">[295]  although he was not the head of government, a task he entrusted to key ally Vyacheslav Molotov.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004277–278_299-0">[296]  Other important supporters on the Politburo were Voroshilov, Lazar Kaganovich, and Sergo Ordzhonikidze,<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004277,_280Conquest200812–13_300-0">[297]  with Stalin ensuring his allies ran the various state institutions.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004278_301-0">[298]  According to Montefiore, at this point "Stalin was the leader of the oligarchs but he was far from a dictator".<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEMontefiore200339_302-0">[299]  His growing influence was reflected in the naming of various locations after him; in June 1924 the Ukrainian mining town of Yuzovka became Stalino,<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest1991130_303-0">[300] and in April 1925, Tsaritsyn was renamed Stalingrad on the order of Mikhail Kalinin and Avel Enukidze.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest1991130Volkogonov1991160Kotkin2014689_304-0">[301]

In 1926, Stalin published On Questions of Leninism.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004244_305-0">[302]  Here, he argued for the concept of "Socialism in One Country", which he presented as an orthodox Leninist perspective. It nevertheless clashed with established Bolshevik views that socialism could not be established in one country but could only be achieved globally through the process of world revolution.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004244_305-1">[302]  In 1927, there was some argument in the party over Soviet policy regarding China. Stalin had called for the Communist Party of China, led by Mao Zedong, to ally itself with Chiang Kai-shek's Kuomintang (KMT) nationalists, viewing a Communist-Kuomintang alliance as the best bulwark against Japanese imperial expansionism. Instead, the KMT repressed the Communists and a civil war broke out between the two sides.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004392Kotkin2014626–631Khlevniuk201589–90_306-0">[303]

Economic policy
We have fallen behind the advanced countries by fifty to a hundred years. We must close that gap in ten years. Either we do this or we'll be crushed. This is what our obligations before the workers and peasants of the USSR dictate to us.

— Stalin, February 1931<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004273_307-0">[304]

The Soviet Union lagged behind the industrial development of Western countries,<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004256_308-0">[305]  and there had been a shortfall of grain; 1927 produced only 70% of grain produced in 1926.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004254_309-0">[306]  Stalin's government feared attack from Japan, France, the United Kingdom, Poland, and Romania.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest1991172–173Service2004256Kotkin2014638–639_310-0">[307]  Many Communists, including in Komsomol, OGPU, and the Red Army, were eager to be rid of the NEP and its market-oriented approach;<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest1991144,_146Service2004258_311-0">[308]  they had concerns about those who profited from the policy: affluent peasants known as "kulaks" and the small business owners or "Nepmen".<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004256Kotkin2014571_312-0">[309]  At this point, Stalin turned against the NEP, putting him on a course to the "left" even of Trotsky or Zinoviev.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004253Khlevniuk2015101_313-0">[310]

In early 1928 Stalin travelled to Novosibirsk, where he alleged that kulaks were hoarding their grain and ordered that the kulaks be arrested and their grain confiscated, with Stalin bringing much of the area's grain back to Moscow with him in February.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest1991147–148Service2004257–258Kotkin2014661,_668–669,_679–684Khlevniuk2015102–103_314-0">[311]  At his command, grain procurement squads surfaced across Western Siberia and the Urals, with violence breaking out between these squads and the peasantry.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004258Khlevniuk2015103_315-0">[312]  Stalin announced that both kulaks and the "middle peasants" must be coerced into releasing their harvest.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004258_316-0">[313]  Bukharin and several other Central Committee members were angry that they had not been consulted about this measure, which they deemed rash.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004258Khlevniuk2015105_317-0">[314]  In January 1930, the Politburo approved the liquidation of the kulak class; accused kulaks were rounded up and exiled to other parts of the country or to concentration camps.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004267_318-0">[315]  Large numbers died during the journey.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest1991160Volkogonov1991166_319-0">[316]  By July 1930, over 320,000 households had been affected by the de-kulakisation policy.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004267_318-1">[315]  According to Stalin biographer Dmitri Volkogonov, de-kulakisation was "the first mass terror applied by Stalin in his own country".<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEVolkogonov1991167_320-0">[317]



Aleksei Grigorievich Stakhanov with a fellow miner; Stalin's government initiated the Stakhanovite movement to encourage hard work. It was partly responsible for a substantial rise in production during the 1930s.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTESandle1999231_321-0">[318]

In 1929, the Politburo announced the mass collectivisation of agriculture,<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004265–266Khlevniuk2015110–111_322-0">[319]  establishing both kolkhozy collective farms and sovkhoz state farms.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTESandle1999234_323-0">[320]  Stalin barred kulaks from joining these collectives.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004266Khlevniuk2015112_324-0">[321]  Although officially voluntary, many peasants joined the collectives out of fear they would face the fate of the kulaks; others joined amid intimidation and violence from party loyalists.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEKhlevniuk2015113_325-0">[322]  By 1932, about 62% of households involved in agriculture were part of collectives, and by 1936 this had risen to 90%.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004271_326-0">[323]  Many of the collectivised peasants resented the loss of their private farmland,<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004270_327-0">[324]  and productivity slumped.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004270Khlevniuk2015116_328-0">[325]  Famine broke out in many areas,<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004272Khlevniuk2015116_329-0">[326]  with the Politburo frequently ordering the distribution of emergency food relief to these regions.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004272_330-0">[327]

Armed peasant uprisings against dekulakisation and collectivisation broke out in Ukraine, northern Caucasus, southern Russia, and central Asia, reaching their apex in March 1930; these were suppressed by the Red Army.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004270Khlevniuk2015113–114_331-0">[328]  Stalin responded to the uprisings with an articleinsisting that collectivisation was voluntary and blaming any violence and other excesses on local officials.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest1991160Khlevniuk2015114_332-0">[329]  Although he and Stalin had been close for many years,<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEVolkogonov1991174_333-0">[330]  Bukharin expressed concerns about these policies; he regarded them as a return to Lenin's old "war communism" policy and believed that it would fail. By mid-1928 he was unable to rally sufficient support in the party to oppose the reforms.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEVolkogonov1991172Service2004260Kotkin2014708_334-0">[331]  In November 1929 Stalin removed him from the Politburo.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest1991158Service2004266Conquest200818_335-0">[332]

Officially, the Soviet Union had replaced the "irrationality" and "wastefulness" of a market economy with a planned economy organised along a long-term, precise, and scientific framework; in reality, Soviet economics were based on ad hoc commandments issued from the centre, often to make short-term targets.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTESandle1999227,_229_336-0">[333]  In 1928, the first five-year plan was launched, its main focus on boosting heavy industry;<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004259_337-0">[334]  it was finished a year ahead of schedule, in 1932.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004274_338-0">[335]  The USSR underwent a massive economic transformation.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004265_339-0">[336]  New mines were opened, new cities like Magnitogorsk constructed, and work on the White Sea-Baltic Canal begun.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004265_339-1">[336]  Millions of peasants moved to the cities, although urban house building could not keep up with the demand.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004265_339-2">[336]  Large debts were accrued purchasing foreign-made machinery.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEKhlevniuk2015118_340-0">[337]

Many of the major construction projects, including the White Sea-Baltic Canal and the Moscow Metro, were constructed largely through forced labour.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest1991186,_190_341-0">[338]  The last elements of workers' control over industry were removed, with factory managers increasing their authority and receiving privileges and perks;<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTESandle1999231–233_342-0">[339]  Stalin defended wage disparity by pointing to Marx's argument that it was necessary during the lower stages of socialism.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTESandle1999241–242_343-0">[340]  To promote the intensification of labour, a series of medals and awards as well as the Stakhanovite movement were introduced.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTESandle1999231_321-1">[318]  Stalin's message was that socialism was being established in the USSR while capitalism was crumbling amid the Wall Street crash.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004269_344-0">[341]  His speeches and articles reflected his utopian vision of the Soviet Union rising to unparalleled heights of human development, creating a "new Soviet person". <sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004300_345-0">[342]

Cultural and foreign policy
In 1928, Stalin declared that class war between the proletariat and their enemies would intensify as socialism developed.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest1991152–153Sandle1999214Khlevniuk2015107–108_346-0">[343]  He warned of a "danger from the right", including in the Communist Party itself.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEKhlevniuk2015108_347-0">[344]  The first major show trial in the USSR was the Shakhty Trial of 1928, in which several middle-class "industrial specialists" were convicted of sabotage.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest1991152–155Service2004259Kotkin2014687,_702–704,_709Khlevniuk2015107_348-0">[345]  From 1929 to 1930, further show trials were held to intimidate opposition:<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004268_349-0">[346]  these included the Industrial Party Trial, Menshevik Trial, and Metro-Vickers Trial.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest1991155_350-0">[347] Aware that the ethnic Russian majority may have concerns about being ruled by a Georgian,<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004324_351-0">[348]  he promoted ethnic Russians throughout the state hierarchy and made the Russian language compulsory throughout schools and offices, albeit to be used in tandem with local languages in areas with non-Russian majorities.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004326_352-0">[349]  Nationalist sentiment among ethnic minorities was suppressed.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004301_353-0">[350]  Conservative social policies were promoted to enhance social discipline and boost population growth; this included a focus on strong family units and motherhood, the re-criminalisation of homosexuality, restrictions placed on abortion and divorce, and the abolition of the Zhenotdel women's department.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTESandle1999244,_246_354-0">[351]



Photograph taken of the 1931 demolition of the Cathedral of Christ the Saviour in Moscow in order to make way for the Palace of the Soviets

Stalin desired a "cultural revolution",<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004299_355-0">[352]  entailing both the creation of a culture for the "masses" and the wider dissemination of previously elite culture.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004304_356-0">[353]  He oversaw the proliferation of schools, newspapers, and libraries, as well as the advancement of literacy and numeracy.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEVolkogonov1991111,_127Service2004308_357-0">[354]  "Socialist realism" was promoted throughout the arts,<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTESandle1999246Montefiore200385_358-0">[355]  while Stalin personally wooed prominent writers, namely Maxim Gorky, Mikhail Sholokhov, and Aleksey Nikolayevich Tolstoy.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004302–303_359-0">[356]  He also expressed patronage for scientists whose research fitted within his preconceived interpretation of Marxism; he for instance endorsed the research of agrobiologist Trofim Lysenko despite the fact that it was rejected by the majority of Lysenko's scientific peers as pseudo-scientific.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest1991211,_276–277Service2004307_360-0">[357]  The government's anti-religious campaign was re-intensified,<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest1991157_361-0">[358]  with increased funding given to the League of Militant Atheists.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004301_353-1">[350]  Christian, Muslim, and Buddhist clergy faced persecution.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004268_349-1">[346]  Many religious buildings were demolished, most notably Moscow's Cathedral of Christ the Saviour, destroyed in 1931 to make way for the (never completed) Palace of the Soviets.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest1991191_362-0">[359]  Religion retained an influence over much of the population; in the 1937 census, 57% of respondents identified as religious.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEKhlevniuk2015325_363-0">[360]

Throughout the 1920s and beyond, Stalin placed a high priority on foreign policy.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004379_364-0">[361]  He personally met with a range of Western visitors, including George Bernard Shaw and H. G. Wells, both of whom were impressed with him.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest1991183–184_365-0">[362]  Through the Communist International, Stalin's government exerted a strong influence over Marxist parties elsewhere in the world;<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004282_366-0">[363]  initially, Stalin left the running of the organisation largely to Bukharin.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004261_367-0">[364]  At its 6th Congress in July 1928, Stalin informed delegates that the main threat to socialism came not from the right but from non-Marxist socialists and social democrats, whom he called "social fascists";<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEMcDermott1995410–411Conquest1991176Service2004261,_383Kotkin2014720_368-0">[365]  Stalin recognised that in many countries, the social democrats were the Marxist-Leninists' main rivals for working-class support.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest1991173_369-0">[366] This preoccupation with opposing rival leftists concerned Bukharin, who regarded the growth of fascism and the far right across Europe as a far greater threat.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004261_367-1">[364]  After Bukharin's departure, Stalin placed the Communist International under the administration of Dmitry Manuilsky and Osip Piatnitsky.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004282_366-1">[363]

Stalin faced problems in his family life. In 1929, his son Yakov unsuccessfully attempted suicide; his failure earned Stalin's contempt.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004289Kotkin2014595_370-0">[367]  His relationship with Nadya was also strained amid their arguments and her mental health problems.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004289_371-0">[368]  In November 1932, after a group dinner in the Kremlin in which Stalin flirted with other women, Nadya shot herself.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest1991169Montefiore200390Service2004291–292_372-0">[369]  Publicly, the cause of death was given as appendicitis; Stalin also concealed the real cause of death from his children.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEMontefiore200394,_95Service2004292,_294_373-0">[370]  Stalin's friends noted that he underwent a significant change following her suicide, becoming emotionally harder.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004297_374-0">[371]

Famine
Further information: Soviet famine of 1932–33



American press with information about Holodomor

Within the Soviet Union, there was widespread civic disgruntlement against Stalin's government.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004316_375-0">[372]  Social unrest, previously restricted largely to the countryside, was increasingly evident in urban areas, prompting Stalin to ease on some of his economic policies in 1932.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004310_376-0">[373] In May 1932, he introduced a system of kolkhoz markets where peasants could trade their surplus produce.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004310DaviesWheatcroft2006627_377-0">[374]  At the same time, penal sanctions became more severe; at Stalin's instigation, in August 1932 a decree was introduced meaning that the theft of even a handful of grain could be a capital offense.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEDaviesWheatcroft2006628_378-0">[375]  The second five-year plan had its production quotas reduced from that of the first, with the main emphasis now being on improving living conditions.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004310_376-1">[373]  It therefore emphasised the expansion of housing space and the production of consumer goods.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004310_376-2">[373]  Like its predecessor, this Plan was repeatedly amended to meet changing situations; there was for instance an increasing emphasis placed on armament production after Adolf Hitler became German Chancellor in 1933.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004318_379-0">[376]

The Soviet Union experienced a major famine which peaked in the winter of 1932–33;<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004312Conquest200819–20Khlevniuk2015117_380-0">[377]  between five and seven million people died.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEKhlevniuk2015117_381-0">[378] Worst affected were Ukraine and the North Caucuses, although the famine also affected Kazakhstan and several Russian provinces.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEKhlevniuk2015119_382-0">[379] Historians have long debated whether Stalin's government had intended the famine to occur or not;<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEEllman2005823_383-0">[380]  there are no known documents in which Stalin or his government explicitly called for starvation to be used against the population.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEEllman2005824DaviesWheatcroft2006628,_631_384-0">[381]  The 1931 and 1932 harvests had been poor ones due to weather conditions,<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEEllman2005823–824DaviesWheatcroft2006626Khlevniuk2015117_385-0">[382]  and had followed several years in which lower productivity had resulted in a gradual decline in output.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEKhlevniuk2015117_381-1">[378]  Government policies—including the focus on rapid industrialisation, the socialisation of livestock, and the emphasis on sown areas over crop rotation—exacerbated the problem;<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEEllman2005834_386-0">[383]  the state had also failed to build reserve grain stocks for such an emergency.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEDaviesWheatcroft2006626_387-0">[384]  Stalin blamed the famine on hostile elements and wreckers within the peasantry;<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEEllman2005824DaviesWheatcroft2006627–628Khlevniuk2015120_388-0">[385]  his government provided small amounts of food to famine-struck rural areas, although this was wholly insufficient to deal with the levels of starvation.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEDaviesWheatcroft2006627_389-0">[386]  In keeping with their ideology, the Communists believed that food supplies should be prioritised for the urban workforce;<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEEllman2005833Kuromiya2008665_390-0">[387]  for Stalin, the fate of Soviet industrialisation was far more important than the lives of the peasantry.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEDaviesWheatcroft2006628Ellman2007664_391-0">[388]  Grain exports, which were a major means of Soviet payment for machinery, declined heavily.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEDaviesWheatcroft2006627_389-1">[386]  Stalin would not acknowledge that his policies had contributed to the famine,<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEDaviesWheatcroft2006628_378-1">[375]  the existence of which was denied to foreign observers.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest1991164Kotkin2014724_392-0">[389]

Ideological and foreign affairs
In 1935–36, Stalin oversaw a new constitution; its dramatic liberal features were designed as propaganda weapons, for all power rested in the hands of Stalin and his Politburo.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004319_393-0">[390] He declared that "socialism, which is the first phase of communism, has basically been achieved in this country".<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004319_393-1">[390]  In 1938, The History of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (Bolsheviks), colloquially known as the Short Course, was released;<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest1991212Volkogonov1991552–443Service2004361_394-0">[391]  Conquest later referred to it as the "central text of Stalinism".<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest1991212_395-0">[392]  A number of authorised Stalin biographies were also published,<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004361_396-0">[393]  although Stalin generally wanted to be portrayed as the embodiment of the Communist Party rather than have his life story explored.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004362_397-0">[394]  During the later 1930s, Stalin placed "a few limits on the worship of his own greatness".<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004362_397-1">[394]  By 1938, Stalin's inner circle had gained a degree of stability, containing the personalities who would remain there until Stalin's death.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest1991216_398-0">[395]



Review of Soviet armored fighting vehicles used to equip the Republican People's Army during the Spanish Civil War

Seeking improved international relations, in 1934 the Soviet Union secured membership of the League of Nations, of which it had previously been excluded.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004386_399-0">[396]  Stalin initiated confidential communications with Hitler in October 1933, shortly after the latter came to power in Germany.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest1991217_400-0">[397]  Stalin admired Hitler, particularly his manoeuvres to remove rivals within the Nazi Party in the Night of the Long Knives.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest1991176Montefiore2003116Service2004340_401-0">[398] Stalin nevertheless recognised the threat posed by fascism and sought to establish better links with the liberal democracies of Western Europe;<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest1991218Khlevniuk2015123,_135_402-0">[399]  in May 1935, the Soviets signed a treaty of mutual assistance with France and Czechoslovakia.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEKhlevniuk2015135_403-0">[400]  At the Communist International's 7th Congress, held in July–August 1935, the Soviet government encouraged Marxist-Leninists to unite with other leftists as part of a popular front against fascism.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEHaslam1979682–683Conquest1991218Service2004385Khlevniuk2015135_404-0">[401]  In turn, the anti-communist governments of Germany, Fascist Italy and Japan signed the Anti-Comintern Pact of 1936.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004392Khlevniuk2015154_405-0">[402]

When the Spanish Civil War broke out in July 1936, the Soviets sent 648 aircraft and 407 tanks to the left-wing Republican faction; these were accompanied by 3000 Soviet troops and 42,000 members of the International Brigades set up by the Communist International.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest1991219Service2004387_406-0">[403] Stalin took a strong personal involvement in the Spanish situation.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEKhlevniuk2015154_407-0">[404]  Germany and Italy backed the Nationalist faction, which was ultimately victorious in March 1939.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004387,_389_408-0">[405]  With the outbreak of the Second Sino-Japanese War in July 1937, the Soviet Union and China signed a non-aggression pact the following August.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEKhlevniuk2015156_409-0">[406] Stalin aided the Chinese as the KMT and the Communists had suspended their civil war and formed the desired United Front.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004392_410-0">[407]

The Great Terror


Exhumed mass grave of the Vinnytsia massacre

Stalin often gave conflicting signals regarding state repression.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEKhlevniuk2015126_411-0">[408]  In May 1933, he released from prison many convicted of minor offenses, ordering the security services not to enact further mass arrests and deportations.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEKhlevniuk2015125_412-0">[409]  In September 1934, he launched a commission to investigate false imprisonments; that same month he called for the execution of workers at the Stalin Metallurgical Factory accused of spying for Japan.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEKhlevniuk2015126_411-1">[408]  This mixed approach began to change in December 1934, after prominent party member Sergey Kirov was murdered.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest1991179Montefiore2003126–127Service2004314Khlevniuk2015128–129_413-0">[410]  After the murder, Stalin became increasingly concerned by the threat of assassination, improved his personal security, and rarely went out in public.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEOvery2004327_414-0">[411]  State repression intensified after Kirov's death;<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEKhlevniuk2015128,_137_415-0">[412]  Stalin instigated this, reflecting his prioritisation of security above other considerations.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004347_416-0">[413]  Stalin issued a decree establishing NKVD troikas which could mete out rulings without involving the courts.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004315_417-0">[414]  In 1935, he ordered the NKVD to expel suspected counter-revolutionaries from urban areas;<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004318_379-1">[376]  in early 1935, over 11,000 were expelled from Leningrad.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004318_379-2">[376]  In 1936, Nikolai Yezhov became head of the NKVD.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEKhlevniuk2015139_418-0">[415]



In this well-known image, Nikolai Yezhovis shown with Voroshilov, Molotov, and Stalin inspecting the White Sea Canal



The image was later altered to remove Yezhov completely

Stalin orchestrated the arrest of many former opponents in the Communist Party as well as sitting members of the Central Committee: denounced as Western-backed mercenaries, many were imprisoned or exiled internally.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004314–317_419-0">[416]  The first Moscow Trial took place in August 1936; Kamenev and Zinoviev were among those accused of plotting assassinations, found guilty in a show trial, and executed.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEMontefiore2003139,_154–155,_164–172,_175–176Service2004320Khlevniuk2015139_420-0">[417]  The second Moscow Show Trial took place in January 1937,<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEKhlevniuk2015139–140_421-0">[418]  and the third in March 1938, in which Bukharin and Rykov were accused of involvement in the alleged Trotskyite-Zinovievite terrorist plot and sentenced to death.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEMontefiore2003192–193Service2004346Conquest200824Khlevniuk2015140_422-0">[419]  By late 1937, all remnants of collective leadership were gone from the Politburo, which was controlled entirely by Stalin.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEKhlevniuk2015176–177_423-0">[420]  There were mass expulsions from the party,<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004349_424-0">[421]  with Stalin commanding foreign communist parties to also purge anti-Stalinist elements.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004391_425-0">[422]

During the 1930s and 1940s, NKVD groups assassinated defectors and opponents abroad;<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004394_426-0">[423]  in August 1940, Trotsky was assassinatedin Mexico, eliminating the last of Stalin's opponents among the former Party leadership.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest1991230Service2004394Overy2004338Khlevniuk2015174_427-0">[424]  In May, this was followed by the arrest of most members of the military Supreme Command and mass arrests throughout the military, often on fabricated charges.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEMontefiore2003201Service2004349Khlevniuk2015140_428-0">[425]  These purges replaced most of the party's old guard with younger officials who did not remember a time before Stalin's leadership and who were regarded as more personally loyal to him.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEKhlevniuk2015137–138,_147_429-0">[426]  Party functionaries readily carried out their commands and sought to ingratiate themselves with Stalin to avoid becoming the victim of the purge.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEKhlevniuk2015140_430-0">[427]  Such functionaries often carried out a greater number of arrests and executions than their quotas set by Stalin's central government.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEMontefiore2003204_431-0">[428]

Repressions further intensified in December 1936 and remained at a high level until November 1938, a period known as the Great Purge.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004347_416-1">[413]  By the latter part of 1937, the purges had moved beyond the party and were affecting the wider population.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEKhlevniuk2015141,_150_432-0">[429]  In July 1937, the Politburo ordered a purge of "anti-Soviet elements" in society, targeting anti-Stalin Bolsheviks, former Mensheviks and Socialist Revolutionaries, priests, ex-White Army soldiers, and common criminals.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004350Khlevniuk2015150–151_433-0">[430]  That month, Stalin and Yezhov signed Order No. 00447, listing 268,950 people for arrest, of whom 75,950 were executed.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEMontefiore2003203–204Service2004350–351Khlevniuk2015150_434-0">[431]  He also initiated "national operations", the ethnic cleansing of non-Soviet ethnic groups—among them Poles, Germans, Latvians, Finns, Greeks, Koreans, and Chinese—through internal or external exile.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEMontefiore2003204Service2004351,_390Khlevniuk2015151_435-0">[432]  During these years, approximately 1.6 million people were arrested,<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEKhlevniuk2015151_436-0">[433]  700,000 were shot, and an unknown number died under NKVD torture.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEKhlevniuk2015151_436-1">[433]

Stalin initiated all key decisions during the Terror, personally directing many of its operations and taking an interest in their implementation.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEKhlevniuk2015151,_159_437-0">[434]  His motives in doing so have been much debated by historians.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEKhlevniuk2015151_436-2">[433]  His personal writings from the period were — according to Khlevniuk — "unusually convoluted and incoherent", filled with claims about enemies encircling him.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEKhlevniuk2015152_438-0">[435]  According to historian James Harris, contemporary archival research shows that the motivation behind the purges was not Stalin attempting to establish his own personal dictatorship; evidence suggests he was committed to building the socialist state envisioned by Lenin. The real motivation for the terror, according to Harris, was an over-exaggerated fear of counterrevolution.<sup id="cite_ref-439">[436]  He was particularly concerned at the success that right-wing forces had in overthrowing the leftist Spanish government,<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004347–248Khlevniuk2015125,_156–157_440-0">[437]  fearing a domestic fifth column in the event of future war with Japan and Germany.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEKhlevniuk2015153,_156–157_441-0">[438]  The Great Terror ended when Yezhov was removed as the head of the NKVD, to be replaced by Lavrentiy Beria,<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004367_442-0">[439]  a man totally devoted to Stalin.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEMontefiore2003245_443-0">[440]  Yezhov was arrested in April 1939 and executed in 1940.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest1991209Service2004369Khlevniuk2015160_444-0">[441]  The Terror damaged the Soviet Union's reputation abroad, particularly among sympathetic leftists.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEKhlevniuk2015162_445-0">[442]  As it wound down, Stalin sought to deflect responsibility from himself,<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEKhlevniuk2015157_446-0">[443]  blaming its "excesses" and "violations of law" on Yezhov.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEKhlevniuk2015159_447-0">[444]

World War II
Main article: Soviet Union in World War II

Pact with Nazi Germany: 1939–1941
As a Marxist–Leninist, Stalin expected an inevitable conflict between competing capitalist powers; after Nazi Germany annexed Austria and then part of Czechoslovakia in 1938, Stalin recognised a war was looming.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEMontefiore2003308_448-0">[445]  He sought to maintain Soviet neutrality, hoping that a German war against France and Britain would lead to Soviet dominance in Europe.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest1991220–221Service2004380–381_449-0">[446]  Militarily, the Soviets also faced a threat from the east, with Soviet troops clashing with the expansionist Japanese in the latter part of the 1930s.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004392–393Khlevniuk2015163,_168–169_450-0">[447]  Stalin initiated a military build-up, with the Red Army more than doubling between January 1939 and June 1941, although in its haste to expand many of its officers were poorly trained.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEKhlevniuk2015185–186_451-0">[448]  Between 1940 and 1941 he also purged the military, leaving it with a severe shortage of trained officers when war broke out.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest1991232–233,_236_452-0">[449]



Stalin greeting the German foreign minister Joachim von Ribbentrop in the Kremlin, 1939

As Britain and France seemed unwilling to commit to an alliance with the Soviet Union, Stalin saw a better deal with the Germans.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004399–400_453-0">[450]  In May 1939, Germany began negotiations with the Soviets, proposing that Eastern Europe be divided between the two powers.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest1991220Khlevniuk2015166_454-0">[451]  Stalin saw this as an opportunity both for territorial expansion and temporary peace with Germany.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest1991220Khlevniuk2015168,_169_455-0">[452]  In August 1939, the Soviet Union signed a non-aggression pact with Germany, negotiated by Soviet foreign minister Vyacheslav Molotov and German foreign minister Joachim von Ribbentrop.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest1991221Roberts199257–78Service2004399Khlevniuk2015166_456-0">[453]  A week later, Germany invaded Poland, sparking the UK and France to declare war on it.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest1991222Roberts199257–78Khlevniuk2015169_457-0">[454]  On 17 September, the Red Army entered eastern Poland, officially to restore order amid the collapse of the Polish state.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest1991222Roberts200643_458-0">[455]  On 28 September, Germany and the Soviet Union exchanged some of their newly conquered territories; Germany gained the linguistically Polish-dominated areas of Lublin Province and part of Warsaw Province while the Soviets gained Lithuania.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest1991223Service2004402–403Wettig200820_459-0">[456]  A German–Soviet Frontier Treaty was signed shortly after, in Stalin's presence.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest1991224_460-0">[457]  The two states continued trading, undermining the British blockade of Germany.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest1991224Service2004405_461-0">[458]

The Soviets further demanded parts of eastern Finland, but the Finnish government refused. The Soviets invaded Finland in November 1939, yet despite numerical inferiority, the Finns kept the Red Army at bay.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest1991228Service2004403Khlevniuk2015172–173_462-0">[459]  International opinion backed Finland, with the Soviets being expelled from the League of Nations.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest1991279Khlevniuk2015173_463-0">[460]  Embarrassed by their inability to defeat the Finns, the Soviets signed an interim peace treaty, in which they received territorial concessions from Finland.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004403Khlevniuk2015173_464-0">[461]  In June 1940, the Red Army occupied the Baltic states, which were forcibly merged into the Soviet Union in August;<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest1991227Service2004404–405Wettig200820–21Khlevniuk2015173_465-0">[462]  they also invaded and annexed Bessarabia and northern Bukovina, parts of Romania.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEBrackman2001341Khlevniuk2015173_466-0">[463]  The Soviets sought to forestall dissent in these new East European territories with mass repressions.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEKhlevniuk2015170_467-0">[464]  One of the most noted instances was the Katyn massacre of April and May 1940, in which around 22,000 members of the Polish armed forces, police, and intelligentsia were executed.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest1991229Khlevniuk2015170_468-0">[465]

The speed of the German victory over and occupation of France in mid-1940 took Stalin by surprise.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest1991229Service2004405_469-0">[466]  He increasingly focused on appeasement with the Germans to delay any conflict with them.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest1991229Service2004406_470-0">[467]  After the Tripartite Pact was signed by Axis Powers Germany, Japan and Italy, in October 1940, Stalin proposed that the USSR also join the Axis alliance.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest1991231Brackman2001341,_343Roberts200658_471-0">[468]  To demonstrate peaceful intentions toward Germany, in April 1941 the Soviets signed a neutrality pact with Japan.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest1991233Roberts200663_472-0">[469]  Although de facto head of government for a decade and a half, Stalin concluded that relations with Germany had deteriorated to such an extent that he needed to deal with the problem as de jure head of government as well: on 6 May, Stalin replaced Molotov as Premier of the Soviet Union.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest1991234Khlevniuk2015180_473-0">[470]

German invasion: 1941–1942


With all the men at the front, Moscow women dig anti-tank trenchesaround Moscow in 1941

In June 1941, Germany invaded the Soviet Union, initiating the war on the Eastern Front.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004410–411Roberts200682Khlevniuk2015198_474-0">[471]  Although intelligence agencies had repeatedly warned him of Germany's intentions, Stalin was taken by surprise.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004408-409,_411–412Roberts200667Khlevniuk2015199–200,_202_475-0">[472]  He formed a State Defense Committee, which he headed as Supreme Commander,<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004414–415Khlevniuk2015206–207_476-0">[473]  as well as a military Supreme Command (Stavka),<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004413_477-0">[474]  with Georgy Zhukov as its Chief of Staff.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004420_478-0">[475]  The German tactic of blitzkrieg was initially highly effective; the Soviet air force in the western borderlands was destroyed within two days.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004417Khlevniuk2015201–202_479-0">[476]  The German Wehrmacht pushed deep into Soviet territory;<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest1991235Service2004416_480-0">[477]  soon, Ukraine, Belorussia, and the Baltic states were under German occupation, and Leningrad was under siege;<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004418_481-0">[478]  and Soviet refugees were flooding into Moscow and surrounding cities.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004417_482-0">[479]  By July, Germany's Luftwaffewas bombing Moscow,<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004418_481-1">[478]  and by October the Wehrmacht was amassing for a full assault on the capital. Plans were made for the Soviet government to evacuate to Kuibyshev, although Stalin decided to remain in Moscow, believing his flight would damage troop morale.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest1991248–249Service2004420Khlevniuk2015214–215_483-0">[480]  The German advance on Moscow was halted after two months of battle in increasingly harsh weather conditions.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEGlantz200126_484-0">[481]

Against the advice of Zhukov and other generals, Stalin emphasised attack over defence.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004421,_424Khlevniuk2015220_485-0">[482]  In June 1941, he ordered a scorched earthpolicy of destroying infrastructure and food supplies before the Germans could seize them,<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004482Roberts200690_486-0">[483]  also commanding the NKVD to kill around 100,000 political prisoners in areas the Wehrmacht approached.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEGellately2007391_487-0">[484]  He purged the military command; several high-ranking figures were demoted or reassigned and others were arrested and executed.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest1991239–240Roberts200698Khlevniuk2015209_488-0">[485]  With Order No. 270, Stalin commanded soldiers risking capture to fight to the death describing the captured as traitors;<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest1991241Khlevniuk2015210_489-0">[486]  among those taken as a prisoner of war by the Germans was Stalin's son Yakov, who died in their custody.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest1991241–242Service2004521_490-0">[487]  Stalin issued Order No. 227 in July 1942, which directed that those retreating unauthorised would be placed in "penal battalions" used as cannon fodder on the front lines.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTERoberts2006132Khlevniuk2015223_491-0">[488]  Amid the fighting, both the German and Soviet armies disregarded the law of war set forth in the Geneva Conventions;<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004423_492-0">[489]  the Soviets heavily publicised Nazi massacres of communists, Jews, and Romani.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004422_493-0">[490]  Stalin exploited Nazi anti-Semitism, and in April 1942 he sponsored the Jewish Anti-Fascist Committee (JAC) to garner Jewish and foreign support for the Soviet war effort.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEOvery2004568_494-0">[491]



The center of Stalingrad after liberation, 2 February 1943

The Soviets allied with the United Kingdom and United States;<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEKhlevniuk2015211_495-0">[492]  although the US joined the war against Germany in 1941, little direct American assistance reached the Soviets until late 1942.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004423_492-1">[489]  Responding to the invasion, the Soviets intensified their industrial enterprises in central Russia, focusing almost entirely on production for the military.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004421_496-0">[493]  They achieved high levels of industrial productivity, outstripping that of Germany.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004422_493-1">[490]  During the war, Stalin was more tolerant of the Russian Orthodox Church, allowing it to resume some of its activities and meeting with Patriarch Sergius in September 1943.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004442–443Khlevniuk2015242–243_497-0">[494]  He also permitted a wider range of cultural expression, notably permitting formerly suppressed writers and artists like Anna Akhmatova and Dmitri Shostakovich to disperse their work more widely.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004441_498-0">[495]  The Internationale was dropped as the country's national anthem, to be replaced with a more patriotic song.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004442_499-0">[496]  The government increasingly promoted Pan-Slavistsentiment,<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004446_500-0">[497]  while encouraging increased criticism of cosmopolitanism, particularly the idea of "rootless cosmopolitanism", an approach with particular repercussions for Soviet Jews.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004446–447_501-0">[498]  Comintern was dissolved in 1943,<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest1991260Service2004444_502-0">[499]  and Stalin encouraged foreign Marxist–Leninist parties to emphasise nationalism over internationalism to broaden their domestic appeal.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004446_500-1">[497]

In April 1942 Stalin overrode Stavka by ordering the Soviets' first serious counter-attack, an attempt to seize German-held Kharkov in eastern Ukraine. This attack proved unsuccessful.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest1991254Service2004424Khlevniuk2015221–222_503-0">[500]  That year, Hitler shifted his primary goal from a overall victory on the Eastern Front, to the goal of securing the oil fields southern Soviet Union crucial to a long-term German war effort.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTERoberts2006117–8_504-0">[501]  While Red Army generals saw evidence that Hitler would shift efforts south, Stalin considered this to be a flanking move in a renewed effort to take Moscow.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTERoberts2006124_505-0">[502]  In June 1942, the German Army began a major offensive in Southern Russia, threatening Stalingrad; Stalin ordered the Red Army to hold the city at all costs.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004425_506-0">[503]  This resulted in the protracted Battle of Stalingrad.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004426_507-0">[504]  In December 1942 he placed Konstantin Rokossovski in charge of holding the city.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004427_508-0">[505]  In February 1943, the German troops attacking Stalingrad surrendered.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004428Khlevniuk2015225_509-0">[506]  The Soviet victory there marked a major turning point in the war;<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEKhlevniuk2015225_510-0">[507]  in commemoration, Stalin declared himself Marshal of the Soviet Union.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004429Khlevniuk2015226_511-0">[508]

Soviet counter-attack: 1942–1945


The Big Three: Stalin, U.S. President Franklin D. Roosevelt, and British Prime Minister Winston Churchill at the Tehran Conference, November 1943

By November 1942, the Soviets had begun to repulse the important German strategic southern campaign and, although there were 2.5 million Soviet casualties in that effort, it permitted the Soviets to take the offensive for most of the rest of the war on the Eastern Front.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTERoberts2006155_512-0">[509]  Germany attempted an encirclement attack at Kursk, which was successfully repulsed by the Soviets.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest1991255Roberts2006156Khlevniuk2015227_513-0">[510]  By the end of 1943, the Soviets occupied half of the territory taken by the Germans from 1941 to 1942.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTERoberts2006159_514-0">[511]  Soviet military industrial output also had increased substantially from late 1941 to early 1943 after Stalin had moved factories well to the east of the front, safe from German invasion and aerial assault.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTERoberts2006163_515-0">[512]

In Allied countries, Stalin was increasingly depicted in a positive light over the course of the war.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004452_516-0">[513]  In 1941, the London Philharmonic Orchestra performed a concert to celebrate his birthday,<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004466_517-0">[514]  and in 1942, Time magazine named him "Man of the Year".<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004452_516-1">[513]  When Stalin learned that people in Western countries affectionately called him "Uncle Joe" he was initially offended, regarding it as undignified.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest1991317Service2004466_518-0">[515]  There remained mutual suspicions between Stalin, British Prime Minister Winston Churchill, and U.S. President Franklin D. Roosevelt, who were together known as the "Big Three".<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004458_519-0">[516]  Churchill flew to Moscow to visit Stalin in August 1942 and again in October 1944.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest1991252Service2004460224,_244Khlevniuk2015_520-0">[517]  Stalin scarcely left Moscow throughout the war,<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004456_521-0">[518]  with Roosevelt and Churchill frustrated with his reluctance to travel to meet them.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004460_522-0">[519]

In November 1943, Stalin met with Churchill and Roosevelt in Tehran, a location of Stalin's choosing.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest1991262Service2004460Roberts2006180Khlevniuk2015229–230_523-0">[520]  There, Stalin and Roosevelt got on well, with both desiring the post-war dismantling of the British Empire.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004462_524-0">[521]  At Tehran, the trio agreed that to prevent Germany rising to military prowess yet again, the German state should be broken up.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004463_525-0">[522]  Roosevelt and Churchill also agreed to Stalin's demand that the German city of Königsberg be declared Soviet territory.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004463_525-1">[522]  Stalin was impatient for the UK and US to open up a Western Front to take the pressure off of the East; they eventually did so in mid-1944.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest1991244,_251Service2004461,_469Roberts2006185Khlevniuk2015223,_229_526-0">[523]  Stalin insisted that, after the war, the Soviet Union should incorporate the portions of Poland it occupied pursuant to the Molotov–Ribbentrop Pact with Germany, which Churchill opposed.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTERoberts2006186–7_527-0">[524]  Discussing the fate of the Balkans, later in 1944 Churchill agreed to Stalin's suggestion that after the war, Bulgaria, Romania, Hungary, and Yugoslavia would come under the Soviet sphere of influence while Greece would come under that of the West.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004464–465Khlevniuk2015244_528-0">[525]



Soviet soldiers in Polotsk, 4 July 1944

In 1944, the Soviet Union made significant advances across Eastern Europe toward Germany,<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTERoberts2006194–5_529-0">[526]  including Operation Bagration, a massive offensive in the Byelorussian SSR against the German Army Group Centre.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004469Roberts2006199–201_530-0">[527]  In 1944 the German armies were pushed out of the Baltic states, which were then re-annexed into the Soviet Union.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004492_531-0">[528]  As the Red Army reconquered the Caucasus and Crimea, various ethnic groups living in the region—the Kalmyks, Chechens, Ingushi, Karachai, Balkars, and Crimean Tatars—were accused of having collaborated with the Germans. Using the idea of collective responsibility as a basis, Stalin's government abolished their autonomous republics and between late 1943 and 1944 deported the majority of their populations to Central Asia and Siberia.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest1991258Service2004492Khlevniuk2015232–233_532-0">[529]  Over one million people were deported as a result of the policy.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEKhlevniuk2015233_533-0">[530]

In February 1945, the three leaders met at the Yalta Conference.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest1991264Service2004465Khlevniuk2015244_534-0">[531]  Roosevelt and Churchill conceded to Stalin's demand that Germany pay the Soviet Union 20 billion dollars in reparations, and that his country be permitted to annex Sakhalin and the Kurile Islands in exchange for entering the war against Japan.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004465–466_535-0">[532]  An agreement was also made that a post-war Polish government should be a coalition consisting of both communist and conservative elements.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004465–466Roberts2006241–244_536-0">[533]  Privately, Stalin sought to ensure that Poland would come fully under Soviet influence.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004471Khlevniuk2015245_537-0">[534] The Red Army withheld assistance to Polish resistance fighters battling the Germans in the Warsaw Uprising, with Stalin believing that any victorious Polish militants could interfere with his aspirations to dominate Poland through a future Marxist government.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004471–472Khlevniuk2015244_538-0">[535]  Although concealing his desires from the other Allied leaders, Stalin placed great emphasis on capturing Berlin first, believing that this would enable him to bring more of Europe under long-term Soviet control. Churchill was concerned that this was the case, and unsuccessfully tried to convince the US that the Western Allies should pursue the same goal.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004473_539-0">[536]

Victory: 1945


British Prime Minister Clement Attlee, U.S. President Harry S. Trumanand Joseph Stalin at the Potsdam Conference, July 1945

In April 1945, the Red Army seized Berlin, Hitler committed suicide, and Germany surrendered in May.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004474Khlevniuk2015247_540-0">[537]  Stalin had wanted Hitler captured alive; he had his remains brought to Moscow to prevent them becoming a relic for Nazi sympathisers.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004479–480_541-0">[538]  As the Red Army had conquered German territory, they discovered the extermination camps that the Nazi administration had run.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004473_539-1">[536]  Many Soviet soldiers engaged in looting, pillaging, and rape, both in Germany and parts of Eastern Europe.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest1991265Service2004473Khlevniuk2015234_542-0">[539]  Stalin refused to punish the offenders.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004473_539-2">[536]  After receiving a complaint about this from Yugoslav communist Milovan Djilas, Stalin asked how after experiencing the traumas of war a soldier could "react normally? And what is so awful in his having fun with a woman, after such horrors?"<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest1991265–266Service2004473Khlevniuk2015235_543-0">[540]

With Germany defeated, Stalin switched focus to the war with Japan, transferring half a million troops to the Far East.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004474_544-0">[541]  Stalin was pressed by his allies to enter the war and wanted to cement the Soviet Union's strategic position in Asia.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEGlantz1983_545-0">[542]  On 8 August, in between the US atomic bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki, the Soviet army invaded Japanese-occupied Manchuria and defeated the Kwantung Army.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004476Khlevniuk2015248–249_546-0">[543]  These events led to the Japanese surrender and the war's end.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest1991268Khlevniuk2015248_547-0">[544]  Soviet forces continued to expand until they occupied all their territorial concessions, but the U.S. rebuffed Stalin's desire for the Red Army to take a role in the Allied occupation of Japan.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest1991267Khlevniuk2015249_548-0">[545]

Stalin attended the Potsdam Conference in July–August 1945, alongside his new British and U.S. counterparts, Prime Minister Clement Attlee and President Harry Truman.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest1991267Service2004475_549-0">[546]  At the conference, Stalin repeated previous promises to Churchill that he would refrain from a "Sovietization" of Eastern Europe.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTERoberts2006274–5_550-0">[547]  Stalin pushed for reparations from Germany without regard to the base minimum supply for German citizens' survival, which worried Truman and Churchill who thought that Germany would become a financial burden for Western powers.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEWettig200890–1_551-0">[548]  He also pushed for "war booty", which would permit the Soviet Union to directly seize property from conquered nations without quantitative or qualitative limitation, and a clause was added permitting this to occur with some limitations.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEWettig200890–1_551-1">[548]  Germany was divided into four zones: Soviet, U.S., British, and French, with Berlin itself—located within the Soviet area—also subdivided thusly.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004506_552-0">[549]

Post-war reconstruction and famine: 1945–1947
After the war, Stalin was—according to Service—at the "apex of his career".<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004481_553-0">[550]  Within the Soviet Union he was widely regarded as the embodiment of victory and patriotism.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004484_554-0">[551]  His armies controlled Central and Eastern Europe up to the River Elbe.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004481_553-1">[550]  In June 1945, Stalin adopted the title of Generalissimus,<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004493Khlevniuk2015247_555-0">[552]  and stood atop Lenin's Mausoleum to watch a celebratory parade led by Zhukov through Red Square.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004480–481_556-0">[553]  At a banquet held for army commanders, he described the Russian people as "the outstanding nation" and "leading force" within the Soviet Union, the first time that he had unequivocally endorsed the Russians over other Soviet nationalities.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004479_557-0">[554]  In 1946, the state published Stalin's Collected Works.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004541_558-0">[555] In 1947, it brought out a second edition of his official biography, which eulogised him to a greater extent than its predecessor.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004543–544_559-0">[556]  He was quoted in Pravda on a daily basis and pictures of him remained pervasive on the walls of workplaces and homes.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004548_560-0">[557]



Banner of Stalin in Budapest in 1949

Despite his strengthened international position, Stalin was cautious about internal dissent and desire for change among the population.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004485Khlevniuk2015262_561-0">[558] He was also concerned about his returning armies, who had been exposed to a wide range of consumer goods in Germany, much of which they had looted and brought back with them. In this he recalled the 1825 Decembrist Revolt by Russian soldiers returning from having defeated France in the Napoleonic Wars.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004485_562-0">[559]  He ensured that returning Soviet prisoners of war went through "filtration" camps as they arrived in the Soviet Union, in which 2,775,700 were interrogated to determine if they were traitors. About half were then imprisoned in labour camps.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004493Roberts2006202_563-0">[560]  In the Baltic states, where there was much opposition to Soviet rule, de-kulakisation and de-clericalisation programs were initiated, resulting in 142,000 deportations between 1945 and 1949.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004492_531-1">[528]  The Gulag system of labour camps was expanded further. By January 1953, three percent of the Soviet population was imprisoned or in internal exile, with 2.8 million in "special settlements" in isolated areas and another 2.5 million in camps, penal colonies, and prisons.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEKhlevniuk2015268_564-0">[561]

The NKVD were ordered to catalogue the scale of destruction during the war.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004482_565-0">[562]  It was established that 1,710 Soviet towns and 70,000 villages had been destroyed.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004482–483_566-0">[563]  The NKVD recorded that between 26 and 27 million Soviet citizens had been killed, with millions more being wounded, malnourished, or orphaned.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004482Khlevniuk2015261_567-0">[564]  In the war's aftermath, some of Stalin's associates suggested modifications to government policy.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004500_568-0">[565]  Post-war Soviet society was more tolerant than its pre-war phase in various respects. Stalin allowed the Russian Orthodox Church to retain the churches it had opened during the war.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004496_569-0">[566]  Academia and the arts were also allowed greater freedom than they had prior to 1941.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004497_570-0">[567]  Recognising the need for drastic steps to be taken to combat inflation and promote economic regeneration, in December 1947 Stalin's government devalued the ruble and abolished the ration-book system.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004497Khlevniuk2015274–278_571-0">[568]  Capital punishment was abolished in 1947 but reinstalled in 1950.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest1991289_572-0">[569]

Stalin's health was deteriorating, and heart problems forced a two-month vacation in the latter part of 1945.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest1991269Service2004491_573-0">[570]  He grew increasingly concerned that senior political and military figures might try to oust him; he prevented any of them from becoming powerful enough to rival him and had their apartments bugged with listening devices.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004526Khlevniuk2015268_574-0">[571]  He demoted Molotov,<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004531–532Khlevniuk2015272–273_575-0">[572]  and increasingly favoured Beria and Malenkov for key positions.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004534_576-0">[573]  In 1949, he brought Nikita Khrushchev from Ukraine to Moscow, appointing him a Central Committee secretary and the head of the city's party branch.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEKhlevniuk2015303_577-0">[574]  In the Leningrad Affair, the city's leadership was purged amid accusations of treachery; executions of many of the accused took place in 1950.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004534–535Khlevniuk2015282_578-0">[575]

In the post-war period there were often food shortages in Soviet cities,<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEKhlevniuk2015300–301_579-0">[576]  and the USSR experienced a major famine from 1946 to 1947.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004498Khlevniuk2015261_580-0">[577]  Sparked by a drought and ensuing bad harvest in 1946, it was exacerbated by government policy towards food procurement, including the state's decision to build up stocks and export food internationally rather than distributing it to famine hit areas.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEEllman2000611,_618–620_581-0">[578]  Current estimates indicate that between one million and 1.5 million people died from malnutrition or disease as a result.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEEllman2000622Khlevniuk2015261_582-0">[579]  While agricultural production stagnated, Stalin focused on a series of major infrastructure projects, including the construction of hydroelectric plants, canals, and railway lines running to the polar north.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEKhlevniuk2015299_583-0">[580]  Much of this was constructed by prison labour.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEKhlevniuk2015299_583-1">[580]

Cold War policy: 1947–1950


Stalin at his seventieth birthday celebration with (left to right) Mao Zedong, Nikolai Bulganin, Walter Ulbricht and Yumjaagiin Tsedenbal

In the aftermath of the Second World War, the British Empire declined, leaving the U.S. and USSR as the dominant world powers.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004502–503_584-0">[581] Tensions among these former Allies grew,<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004484_554-1">[551]  resulting in the Cold War.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004503_585-0">[582]  Although Stalin publicly described the British and U.S. governments as aggressive, he thought it unlikely that a war with them would be imminent, believing that several decades of peace was likely.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004487_586-0">[583]  He nevertheless secretly intensified Soviet research into nuclear weaponry, intent on creating an atom bomb.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004481_553-2">[550]  Still, Stalin foresaw the undesirability of a nuclear conflict, saying in 1949 that "atomic weapons can hardly be used without spelling the end of the world."<sup id="cite_ref-587">[584]  He personally took a keen interest in the development of the weapon.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004508_588-0">[585]  In August 1949, the bomb was successfully tested in the deserts outside Semipalatinsk in Kazakhstan.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004508Khlevniuk2015293_589-0">[586]  Stalin also initiated a new military build-up; the Soviet army was expanded from 2.9 million soldiers, as it stood in 1949, to 5.8 million by 1953.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEKhlevniuk2015297_590-0">[587]

The US began pushing its interests on every continent, acquiring air force bases in Africa and Asia and ensuring pro-U.S. regimes took power across Latin America.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004502_591-0">[588]  It launched the Marshall Plan in June 1947, with which it sought to undermine Soviet hegemony in eastern Europe. The US also offered financial assistance as part of the Marshall Plan on the condition that they opened their markets to trade, aware that the Soviets would never agree.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004504Khlevniuk2015267_592-0">[589]  The Allies demanded that Stalin withdraw the Red Army from northern Iran. He initially refused, leading to an international crisis in 1946, but one year later Stalin finally relented and moved the Soviet troops out.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004504_593-0">[590]  Stalin also tried to maximise Soviet influence on the world stage, unsuccessfully pushing for Libya—recently liberated from Italian occupation—to become a Soviet protectorate.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004494_594-0">[591]  He sent Molotov as his representative to San Francisco to take part in negotiations to form the United Nations, insisting that the Soviets have a place on the Security Council.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004503_585-1">[582]  In April 1949, the Western powers established the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO), an international military alliance of capitalist countries.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004507Khlevniuk2015281_595-0">[592]  Within Western countries, Stalin was increasingly portrayed as the "most evil dictator alive" and compared to Hitler.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004551_596-0">[593]

In 1948, Stalin edited and rewrote sections of Falsifiers of History, published as a series of Pravda articles in February 1948 and then in book form. Written in response to public revelations of the 1939 Soviet alliance with Germany, it focused on blaming Western powers for the war.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTERoberts200296–98_597-0">[594]  He erroneously claimed that the initial German advance in the early part of the war was not a result of Soviet military weakness, but rather a deliberate Soviet strategic retreat.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEKhlevniuk2015264_598-0">[595]  In 1949, celebrations took place to mark Stalin's seventieth birthday (albeit not the correct year) at which Stalin attended an event in the Bolshoi Theatre alongside Marxist–Leninist leaders from across Europe and Asia.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest1991296Service2004548–549Khlevniuk2015290_599-0">[596]

Eastern Bloc


The Eastern Bloc until 1989

After the war, Stalin sought to retain Soviet dominance across Eastern Europe while expanding its influence in Asia.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004492_531-2">[528]  Cautiously regarding the responses from the Western Allies, Stalin avoided immediately installing Communist Party governments across Eastern Europe, instead initially ensuring that Marxist-Leninists were placed in coalition ministries.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004494_594-1">[591]  In contrast to his approach to the Baltic states, he rejected the proposal of merging the new communist states into the Soviet Union, rather recognising them as independent nation-states.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004517_600-0">[597]  He was faced with the problem that there were few Marxists left in Eastern Europe, with most having been killed by the Nazis.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004483_601-0">[598]  He demanded that war reparations be paid by Germany and its Axis allies Hungary, Romania, and the Slovak Republic.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004484_554-2">[551]  Aware that these countries had been pushed toward socialism through invasion rather than by proletarian revolution, Stalin referred to them not as "dictatorships of the proletariat" but as "people's democracies", suggesting that in these countries there was a pro-socialist alliance combining the proletariat, peasantry, and lower middle-class.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004518_602-0">[599]

Churchill observed that an "Iron Curtain" had been drawn across Europe, separating the east from the west.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest1991279Service2004503_603-0">[600]  In September 1947, a meeting of East European communist leaders was held in Szklarska Poręba, Poland, from which was formed Cominform to co-ordinate the Communist Parties across Eastern Europe and also in France and Italy.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest1991286Service2004506Khlevniuk2015267_604-0">[601]  Stalin did not personally attend the meeting, sending Zhdanov in his place.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004506_552-1">[549]  Various East European communists also visited Stalin in Moscow.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004511_605-0">[602]  There, he offered advice on their ideas; for instance he cautioned against the Yugoslav idea for a Balkan federation incorporating Bulgaria and Albania.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004511_605-1">[602]  Stalin had a particularly strained relationship with Yugoslav leader Josip Broz Tito due to the latter's continued calls for Balkan federation and for Soviet aid for the communist forces in the ongoing Greek Civil War.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest1991286–287Service2004515_606-0">[603]  In March 1948, Stalin launched an anti-Tito campaign, accusing the Yugoslav communists of adventurism and deviating from Marxist–Leninist doctrine.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004515_607-0">[604]  At the second Cominform conference, held in Bucharest in June 1948, East European communist leaders all denounced Tito's government, accusing them of being fascists and agents of Western capitalism.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004516_608-0">[605]  Stalin ordered several assassination attempts on Tito's life and contemplated invading Yugoslavia.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest1991287_609-0">[606]

Stalin suggested that a unified, but demilitarised, German state be established, hoping that it would either come under Soviet influence or remain neutral.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004507_610-0">[607]  When the US and UK remained opposed to this, Stalin sought to force their hand by blockading Berlin in June 1948.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest1991280Service2004507Khlevniuk2015281_611-0">[608]  He gambled that the others would not risk war, but they airlifted supplies into West Berlin until May 1949, when Stalin relented and ended the blockade.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004507Khlevniuk2015281_595-1">[592]  In September 1949 the Western powers transformed Western Germany into an independent Federal Republic of Germany; in response the Soviets formed East Germany into the German Democratic Republic in October.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004507_610-1">[607]  In accordance with their earlier agreements, the Western powers expected Poland to become an independent state with free democratic elections.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004476_612-0">[609]  In Poland, the Soviets merged various socialist parties into the Polish United Workers' Party, and vote rigging was used to ensure that it secured office.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004515_607-1">[604]  The 1947 Hungarian elections were also rigged, with the Hungarian Working People's Party taking control.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004515_607-2">[604] In Czechoslovakia, where the communists did have a level of popular support, they were elected the largest party in 1946.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004512,_513_613-0">[610]  Monarchy was abolished in Bulgaria and Romania.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004513_614-0">[611] Across Eastern Europe, the Soviet model was enforced, with a termination of political pluralism, agricultural collectivisation, and investment in heavy industry.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004516_608-1">[605]  It was aimed for economic autarky within the Eastern Bloc.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004516_608-2">[605]

Asia
In October 1949, Mao took power in China.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest1991301Service2004509Khlevniuk2015286_615-0">[612]  With this accomplished, Marxist governments now controlled a third of the world's land mass.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004509_616-0">[613]  Privately, Stalin revealed that he had underestimated the Chinese Communists and their ability to win the civil war, instead encouraging them to make another peace with the KMT.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004553_617-0">[614]  In December 1949, Mao visited Stalin. Initially Stalin refused to repeal the Sino-Soviet Treaty of 1945, which significantly benefited the Soviet Union over China, although in January 1950 he relented and agreed to sign a new treaty between the two countries.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004509Khlevniuk2015287–291_618-0">[615]  Stalin was concerned that Mao might follow Tito's example by pursuing a course independent of Soviet influence, and made it known that if displeased he would withdraw assistance from China; the Chinese desperately needed said assistance after decades of civil war.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004552Khlevniuk2015287_619-0">[616]



Stalin and Mao Zedong depicted on a Chinese postage stamp from 1950

At the end of the Second World War, the Soviet Union and the United States divided up the Korean Peninsula, formerly a Japanese colonial possession, along the 38th parallel, setting up a communist government in the north and a pro-Western government in the south.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004552Khlevniuk2015294_620-0">[617]  North Korean leader Kim Il-sung visited Stalin in March 1949 and again in March 1950; he wanted to invade the south and although Stalin was initially reluctant to provide support, he eventually agreed by May 1950.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest1991302Service2004553Khlevniuk2015294–295_621-0">[618]  The North Korean Army launched the Korean War by invading the south in June 1950, making swift gains and capturing Seoul.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004554_622-0">[619]  Both Stalin and Mao believed that a swift victory would ensue.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004554_622-1">[619]  The U.S. went to the UN Security Council—which the Soviets were boycotting over its refusal to recognise Mao's government—and secured military support for the South Koreans. U.S. led forces pushed the North Koreans back.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004554Khlevniuk2015295–296_623-0">[620]  Stalin wanted to avoid direct Soviet conflict with the U.S., convincing the Chinese to aid the North.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004555–556Khlevniuk2015296_624-0">[621]

The Soviet Union was one of the first nations to extend diplomatic recognition to the newly created state of Israel in 1948. When the Israeli ambassador Golda Meir arrived in the USSR, Stalin was angered by the Jewish crowds who gathered to greet her.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest1991291_625-0">[622]  He was further angered by Israel's growing alliance with the U.S.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEKhlevniuk2015285_626-0">[623]  After Stalin fell out with Israel, he launched an anti-Jewish campaign within the Soviet Union and the Eastern Bloc.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004518_602-1">[599]  In November 1948, he abolished the JAC,<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest1991291Service2004577Khlevniuk2015284_627-0">[624]  and show trials took place for some of its members.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEVolkogonov1991567Brackman2001384–5_628-0">[625]  The Soviet press engaged in attacks on Zionism, Jewish culture, and "rootless cosmopolitanism",<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest1991291Khlevniuk2015308–309_629-0">[626]  with growing levels of anti-Semitism being expressed across Soviet society.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004576–577_630-0">[627]  Stalin's increasing tolerance of anti-Semitism may have stemmed from his increasing Russian nationalism or from the recognition that anti-Semitism had proved a useful mobilising tool for Hitler and that he could do the same;<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest1991290_631-0">[628]  he may have increasingly viewed the Jewish people as a "counter-revolutionary" nation whose members were loyal to the U.S.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEKhlevniuk2015286_632-0">[629]  There were rumours, although they have never been substantiated, that Stalin was planning on deporting all Soviet Jews to the Jewish Autonomous Region in Birobidzhan, eastern Siberia.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004577Overy2004565Khlevniuk2015309_633-0">[630]

Final years: 1950–1953


A Soviet ukaz of 20 January 1953 awarding the cardiologist Lydia Timashuk the Order of Lenin for "unmasking doctors-killers." It was revoked after Stalin's death later that year.

In his later years, Stalin was in poor health.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004571_634-0">[631]  He took increasingly long holidays; in 1950 and again in 1951 he spent almost five months vacationing at his Abkhazian dacha.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004572Khlevniuk2015195_635-0">[632]  Stalin nevertheless mistrusted his doctors; in January 1952 he had one imprisoned after they suggested that he should retire to improve his health.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004571_634-1">[631]  In September 1952, several Kremlin doctors were arrested for allegedly plotting to kill senior politicians in what came to be known as the Doctors' Plot; the majority of the accused were Jewish.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest1991309Etinger1995104Service2004576Khlevniuk2015307_636-0">[633]  He instructed the arrested doctors to be tortured to ensure confession.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest1991309Khlevniuk2015307–308_637-0">[634]  In November, the Slánský trial took place in Czechoslovakia as 13 senior Communist Party figures, 11 of them Jewish, were accused and convicted of being part of a vast Zionist-American conspiracy to subvert Eastern Bloc governments.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest1991308Khlevniuk2015307_638-0">[635]  That same month, a much publicised trial of accused Jewish industrial wreckers took place in Ukraine.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest1991308_639-0">[636]  In 1951, he initiated the Mingrelian affair, a purge of the Georgian branch of the Communist Party which resulted in over 11,000 deportations.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEKhlevniuk2015304–305_640-0">[637]

From 1946 until his death, Stalin only gave three public speeches, two of which lasted only a few minutes.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004560_641-0">[638]  The amount of written material that he produced also declined.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004560_641-1">[638]  In 1950, Stalin issued the article "Marxism and Problems of Linguistics", which reflected his interest in questions of Russian nationhood.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004564–565_642-0">[639]  In 1952, Stalin's last book, Economic Problems of Socialism in the USSR, was published. It sought to provide a guide to leading the country for after his death.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest1991307Service2004566–567_643-0">[640]  In October 1952, Stalin gave an hour and a half speech at the Central Committee plenum.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004578_644-0">[641]  There, he emphasised what he regarded as leadership qualities necessary in the future and highlighted the weaknesses of various potential successors, particularly Molotov and Mikoyan.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004579Khlevniuk2015306_645-0">[642]  In 1952, he also eliminated the Politburo and replaced it with a larger version which he called the Presidium.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEKhlevniuk2015305–306_646-0">[643]

Death, funeral and aftermath: 1953
Main article: Death and state funeral of Joseph Stalin

On 1 March 1953, Stalin's staff found him semi-conscious on the bedroom floor of his Volynskoe dacha.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest1991311Volkogonov1991571–572Service2004582–584Khlevniuk2015142,_191_647-0">[644]  He had suffered a cerebral hemorrhage.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest1991312_648-0">[645]  He was moved onto a couch and remained there for three days.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest1991311–312Volkogonov1991572Khlevniuk2015142_649-0">[646]  He was hand-fed using a spoon, given various medicines and injections, and leeches were applied to him.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest1991312_648-1">[645]  Svetlana and Vasily were called to the dacha on 2 March; the latter was drunk and angrily shouted at the doctors, resulting in him being sent home.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest1991312Khlevniuk2015250_650-0">[647]  Stalin died on 5 March 1953.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest1991313Volkogonov1991574Service2004586Khlevniuk2015313_651-0">[648]  According to Svetlana, it had been "a difficult and terrible death".<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest1991313Khlevniuk2015313–314_652-0">[649]  An autopsy revealed that he had died of a cerebral hemorrhage and that he also suffered from severe damage to his cerebral arteries due to atherosclerosis.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEKhlevniuk2015189_653-0">[650]  It is possible that Stalin was murdered.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004587_654-0">[651]  Beria has been suspected of murder, although no firm evidence has ever appeared.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest1991312_648-2">[645]

Stalin's death was announced on 6 March.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004588_655-0">[652]  The body was embalmed,<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004588Khlevniuk2015314_656-0">[653]  and then placed on display in Moscow's House of Unions for three days.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEKhlevniuk2015317_657-0">[654]  Crowds were such that a crush killed around 100 people.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004588Khlevniuk2015317_658-0">[655]  The funeral involved the body being laid to rest in Lenin's Mausoleum in Red Square on 9 March; hundreds of thousands attended.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEVolkogonov1991576Service2004589Khlevniuk2015318_659-0">[656]  That month featured a surge in arrests for "anti-Soviet agitation" as those celebrating Stalin's death came to police attention.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEKhlevniuk2015319_660-0">[657]  The Chinese government instituted a period of official mourning for Stalin's death.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTELi200975_661-0">[658]

Stalin left no anointed successor nor a framework within which a transfer of power could take place.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEKhlevniuk2015310_662-0">[659]  The Central Committee met on the day of his death, with Malenkov, Beria, and Khruschev emerging as the party's key figures.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004586–587_663-0">[660]  The system of collective leadership was restored, and measures introduced to prevent any one member attaining autocratic domination again.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEKhlevniuk2015312_664-0">[661]  The collective leadership included the following eight senior members of the Presidium of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Unionlisted according to the order of precedence presented formally on 5 March 1953: Georgy Malenkov, Lavrentiy Beria, Vyacheslav Molotov, Kliment Voroshilov, Nikita Khrushchev, Nikolai Bulganin, Lazar Kaganovich and Anastas Mikoyan.<sup id="cite_ref-665">[662]  Reforms to the Soviet system were immediately implemented.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004591_666-0">[663]  Economic reform scaled back the mass construction projects, placed a new emphasis on house building, and eased the levels of taxation on the peasantry to stimulate production.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEKhlevniuk2015315_667-0">[664]  The new leaders sought rapprochement with Yugoslavia and a less hostile relationship with the U.S.,<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004593_668-0">[665]  pursuing a negotiated end to the Korean War in July 1953.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEKhlevniuk2015316_669-0">[666]  The doctors who had been imprisoned were released and the anti-Semitic purges ceased.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEEtinger1995120–121Conquest1991314Khlevniuk2015314_670-0">[667]  A mass amnesty for those imprisoned for non-political crimes was issued, halving the country's inmate population, while the state security and Gulag systems were reformed, with torture being banned in April 1953.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEKhlevniuk2015315_667-1">[664]

Political ideology
Further information: Stalinism



A mourning parade in honor of Stalin in Dresden, East Germany

Stalin claimed to have embraced Marxism at the age of fifteen,<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTERieber200532_671-0">[668]  and it served as the guiding philosophy throughout his adult life;<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService20049_672-0">[669] according to Kotkin, Stalin held "zealous Marxist convictions",<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEKotkin2014xi_673-0">[670]  while Montefiore suggested that Marxism held a "quasi-religious" value for Stalin.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEMontefiore2007336_674-0">[671]  Although he never became a Georgian nationalist,<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTERieber200543_675-0">[672]  during his early life elements from Georgian nationalist thought blended with Marxism in his outlook.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEMontefiore200767_676-0">[673]  The historian Alfred J. Rieber noted that he had been raised in "a society where rebellion was deeply rooted in folklore and popular rituals".<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTERieber200543_675-1">[672]  Stalin believed in the need to adapt Marxism to changing circumstances; in 1917, he declared that "there is dogmatic Marxism and there is creative Marxism. I stand on the ground of the latter".<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004136Kotkin2014205Khlevniuk201547_677-0">[674]  Volkogonov believed that Stalin's Marxism was shaped by his "dogmatic turn of mind", suggesting that this had been instilled in the Soviet leader during his education in religious institutions.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEVolkogonov19917_678-0">[675]  According to scholar Robert Service, Stalin's "few innovations in ideology were crude, dubious developments of Marxism".<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService20049_672-1">[669]  Some of these derived from political expediency rather than any sincere intellectual commitment;<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService20049_672-2">[669]  Stalin would often turn to ideology post hoc to justify his decisions.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEMcDermott20067_679-0">[676]  Stalin referred to himself as a praktik, meaning that he was more of a practical revolutionary than a theoretician.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService200492Kotkin2014462_680-0">[677]

As a Marxist and an extreme anti-capitalist, Stalin believed in an inevitable "class war" between the world's proletariat and bourgeoise.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService200493Khlevniuk20157_681-0">[678] He believed that the working classes would prove successful in this struggle and would establish a dictatorship of the proletariat,<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService200493_682-0">[679] regarding the Soviet Union as an example of such a state.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTESandle1999216_683-0">[680]  He also believed that this proletarian state would need to introduce repressive measures against foreighn and domestic "enemies" to ensure the full crushing of the propertied classes,<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService200493–94_684-0">[681]  and thus the class war would intensify with the advance of socialism.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTESandle1999214Khlevniuk20158_685-0">[682]  As a propaganda tool, the shaming of "enemies" explained all inadequate economic and political outcomes, the hardships endured by the populace, and military failures.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEKhlevniuk20158_686-0">[683]  The new state would then be able to ensure that all citizens had access to work, food, shelter, healthcare, and education, with the wastefulness of capitalism eliminated by a new, standardised economic system.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService200494_687-0">[684]  According to Sandle, Stalin was "committed to the creation of a society that was industrialised, collectivised, centrally planned and technologically advanced."<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTESandle1999211_688-0">[685]

Stalin adhered to the Leninist variant of Marxism.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEKotkin201410,_699_689-0">[686]  In his book, Foundations of Leninism, he stated that "Leninism is the Marxism of the epoch of imperialism and of the proletarian revolution".<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEKotkin2014545_690-0">[687]  He claimed to be a loyal Leninist,<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService200492_691-0">[688]  although was—according to Service—"not a blindly obedient Leninist".<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService200494_687-1">[684]  Stalin respected Lenin, but not uncritically,<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEMontefiore2007211_692-0">[689]  and spoke out when he believed that Lenin was wrong.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService200494_687-2">[684]  During the period of his revolutionary activity, Stalin regarded some of Lenin's views and actions as being the self-indulgent activities of a spoiled émigré, deeming them counterproductive for those Bolshevik activists based within the Russian Empire itself.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService200495Montefiore2007211_693-0">[690]  After the October Revolution, they continued to have differences. Whereas Lenin believed that all countries across Europe and Asia would readily unite as a single state following proletariat revolution, Stalin argued that national pride would prevent this, and that different socialist states would have to be formed; in his view, a country like Germany would not readily submit to being part of a Russian-dominated federal state.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004179–180_694-0">[691]  Stalin biographer Oleg Khlevniuk nevertheless believed that the pair developed a "strong bond" over the years,<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEKhlevniuk201567_695-0">[692]  while Kotkin suggested that Stalin's friendship with Lenin was "the single most important relationship in Stalin's life".<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEKotkin2014531_696-0">[693]  After Lenin's death, Stalin relied heavily on Lenin's writings—far more so than those of Marx and Engels—to guide him in the affairs of state.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEKhlevniuk201593–94_697-0">[694]  Stalin adopted the Leninist view on the need for a revolutionary vanguard who could lead the proletariat rather than being led by them.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService200493_682-1">[679] Leading this vanguard, he believed that the Soviet peoples needed a strong, central figure—akin to a Tsar—whom they could rally around.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004333Kotkin2014586_698-0">[695]  In his words, "the people need a Tsar, whom they can worship and for whom they can live and work".<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEMontefiore2003158_699-0">[696]  He read about, and admired, two Tsars in particular: Ivan the Terrible and Peter the Great.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTESandle1999256Service2004333Khlevniuk201594_700-0">[697]  In the personality cult constructed around him, he was known as the vozhd, an equivalent to the Italian duce and German fuhrer.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEKotkin20177_701-0">[698]



A statue of Stalin in Grūtas Parknear Druskininkai, Lithuania; it originally stood in Vilnius, Lithuania

Stalinism was a development of Leninism,<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEMontefiore2007352_702-0">[699]  and while Stalin avoided using the term "Marxism-Leninism-Stalinism", he allowed others to do so.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004357_703-0">[700]  Following Lenin's death, Stalin contributed to the theoretical debates within the Communist Party, namely by developing the idea of "Socialism in One Country". This concept was intricately linked to factional struggles within the party, particularly against Trotsky.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTESandle1999208–209_704-0">[701]  He first developed the idea in December 1924 and elaborated upon in his writings of 1925–26.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTESandle1999209_705-0">[702]  Stalin's doctrine held that socialism could be completed in Russia but that its final victory there could not be guaranteed because of the threat from capitalist intervention. For this reason, he retained the Leninist view that world revolution was still a necessity to ensure the ultimate victory of socialism.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTESandle1999209_705-1">[702]  Although retaining the Marxist belief that the state would wither away as socialism transformed into pure communism, he believed that the Soviet state would remain until the final defeat of international capitalism.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTESandle1999261_706-0">[703]  This concept synthesised Marxist and Leninist ideas with nationalist ideals,<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTESandle1999211_688-1">[685] and served to discredit Trotsky—who promoted the idea of "permanent revolution"—by presenting the latter as a defeatist with little faith in Russian workers' abilities to construct socialism.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTESandle1999210_707-0">[704]

Stalin viewed nations as contingent entities which were formed by capitalism and could merge into others.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService200498_708-0">[705]  Ultimately he believed that all nations would merge into a single, global human community,<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService200498_708-1">[705]  and regarded all nations as inherently equal.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEOvery2004552_709-0">[706]  In his work, he stated that "the right of secession" should be offered to the ethnic-minorities of the Russian Empire, but that they should not be encouraged to take that option.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService200499_710-0">[707]  He was of the view that if they became fully autonomous, then they would end up being controlled by the most reactionary elements of their community; as an example he cited the largely illiterate Tatars, whom he claimed would end up dominated by their mullahs.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService200499_710-1">[707]  Stalin argued that the Jews possessed a "national character" but were not a "nation" and were thus unassimilable. He argued that Jewish nationalism, particularly Zionism, was hostile to socialism.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEOvery2004565_711-0">[708]  According to Khlevniuk, Stalin reconciled Marxism with great-power imperialism and therefore expansion of the empire makes him a worthy to the Russian tsars.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEKhlevniuk20158_686-1">[683]  Service argued that Stalin's Marxism was imbued with a great deal of Russian nationalism.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService20049_672-3">[669]  According to Montefiore, Stalin's embrace of the Russian nation was pragmatic, as the Russians were the core of the population of the USSR; it was not a rejection of his Georgian origins.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEMontefiore2003310,_579_712-0">[709] Stalin's push for Soviet westward expansion into eastern Europe resulted in accusations of Russian imperialism.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService20045_713-0">[710]

Personal life and characteristics
Stalin brutally, artfully, indefatigably built a personal dictatorship within the Bolshevik dictatorship. Then he launched and saw through a bloody socialist remaking of the entire former empire, presided over a victory in the greatest war in human history, and took the Soviet Union to the epicentre of global affairs. More than for any other historical figure, even Gandhi or Churchill, a biography of Stalin... eventually comes to approximate a history of the world.

— Stephen Kotkin<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEKotkin20144_714-0">[711]

Ethnically Georgian,<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest19911_715-0">[712]  Stalin grew up speaking the Georgian language,<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest19911Khlevniuk201597_716-0">[713]  and did not begin learning Russian until the age of eight or nine.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEKhlevniuk201597_717-0">[714]  He remained proud of his Georgian identity,<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEMontefiore200766–67_718-0">[715]  and throughout his life retained a heavy Georgian accent when speaking Russian.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest19911Montefiore20032Montefiore200742Khlevniuk201597_719-0">[716]  According to Montefiore, despite Stalin's affinity for Russia and Russians, he remained profoundly Georgian in his lifestyle and personality.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEMontefiore2003579_720-0">[717]  Stalin's colleagues described him as "Asiatic", and he told a Japanese journalist that "I am not a European man, but an Asian, a Russified Georgian".<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTERieber200518_721-0">[718]  Service also noted that Stalin "would never be Russian", could not credibly pass as one, and never tried to pretend that he was.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService200485_722-0">[719]  Montefiore was of the view that "after 1917, [Stalin] became quadri-national: Georgian by nationality, Russian by loyalty, internationalist by ideology, Soviet by citizenship."<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEMontefiore2007268_723-0">[720]

Stalin had a soft voice,<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest1991183Volkogonov19915Kotkin20175_724-0">[721]  and when speaking Russian did so slowly, carefully choosing his phrasing.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest19911_715-1">[712]  In private he used coarse language, although avoided doing so in public.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest199137_725-0">[722]  Described as a poor orator,<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest1991149Volkogonov199149Service2004334Khlevniuk201552_726-0">[723]  according to Volkogonov, Stalin's speaking style was "simple and clear, without flights of fancy, catchy phrases or platform histrionics".<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEVolkogonov1991xx–xxi_727-0">[724]  He rarely spoke before large audiences, and preferred to express himself in written form.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEKhlevniuk2015329_728-0">[725]  His writing style was similar, being characterised by its simplicity, clarity, and conciseness.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEVolkogonov199121Khlevniuk201597_729-0">[726]  Throughout his life, he used various nicknames and pseudonyms, including "Koba", "Soselo", and "Ivanov",<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEMontefiore2007395_730-0">[727]  adopting "Stalin" in 1912; it was based on the Russian word for "steel" and has often been translated as "Man of Steel".<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEHimmer1986269_148-1">[145]



Lavrenti Beria with Stalin's daughter, Svetlana, on his lap and Stalin seated in the background. Stalin's dacha near Sochi, mid-1930s.

In adulthood, Stalin measured 5 feet 4 inches (1.63 m) tall.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest199112Volkogonov19915_731-0">[728]  To appear taller, he wore stacked shoes, and stood on a small platform during parades.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest199112_732-0">[729]  His mustached face was pock-marked from smallpox during childhood; this was airbrushed from published photographs.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEKotkin20174_733-0">[730]  He was born with a webbed left foot, and his left arm had been permanently injured in childhood which left it shorter than his right and lacking in flexibility,<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService200425Khlevniuk201513–14_734-0">[731]  which was probably the result of being hit, at the age of 12, by a horse-drawn carriage.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEMontefiore200721,_29,_33–34_735-0">[732]  During his youth, Stalin cultivated a scruffy appearance in rejection of middle-class aesthetic values.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService200444_736-0">[733]  He grew his hair long and often wore a beard; for clothing, he often wore a traditional Georgian chokha or a red satin shirt with a grey coat and red fedora.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEMontefiore20079–10_737-0">[734]  From mid-1918 until his death he favoured military-style clothing, in particular long black boots, light-coloured collarless tunics, and a gun.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004167Kotkin20171_738-0">[735]  He was a lifelong smoker, who smoked both a pipe and cigarettes.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest1991282Volkogonov1991146Service2004435,_438,_574Kotkin20171_739-0">[736]  He had few material demands and lived plainly, with simple and inexpensive clothing and furniture;<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest1991311Volkogonov1991102Montefiore200336–37Service2004497–498_740-0">[737]  his interest was in power rather than wealth.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEVolkogonov1991102Service2004498_741-0">[738]

As Soviet leader, Stalin typically awoke around 11 am,<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEMontefiore200360_742-0">[739]  with lunch being served between 3 and 5 pm and dinner no earlier than 9 pm;<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEMontefiore200360Service2004525_743-0">[740] he then worked late into the evening.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004525_744-0">[741]  He often dined with other Politburo members and their families.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEMontefiore200335,_60_745-0">[742]  As leader, he rarely left Moscow unless to go to one of his dachas;<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004331_746-0">[743]  he disliked travel,<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEKhlevniuk2015102,_227_747-0">[744]  and refused to travel by plane.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEKhlevniuk2015195Kotkin20173_748-0">[745]  His choice of favoured holiday house changed over the years,<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEMontefiore200364_749-0">[746]  although he holidayed in southern parts of the USSR every year from 1925 to 1936 and again from 1945 to 1951.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEKhlevniuk2015191_750-0">[747]  Along with other senior figures, he had a dacha at Zubalova, 35 km outside Moscow,<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEMontefiore200357–58Kotkin2014594_751-0">[748]  although ceased using it after Nadya's 1932 suicide.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEMontefiore2003102_752-0">[749]  After 1932, he favoured holidays in Abkhazia, being a friend of its leader, Nestor Lakoba.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEMontefiore200366–67Service2004296_753-0">[750]  In 1934, his new Kuntsevo Dacha was built; 9 km from the Kremlin, it became his primary residence.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest1991215Montefiore2003103Service2004295_754-0">[751]  In 1935 he began using a new dacha provided for him by Lakoba at Novy Afon;<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEMontefiore2003178_755-0">[752]  in 1936, he had the Kholodnaya Rechka dacha built on the Abkhazian coast, designed by Miron Merzhanov.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004572_756-0">[753]

Personality


Chinese Marxists celebrate Stalin's seventieth birthday in 1949

Trotsky and several other Soviet figures promoted the idea that Stalin was a mediocrity.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest1991xviVolkogonov1991xxiiiService20044Montefiore2007xxiv_757-0">[754]  This gained widespread acceptance outside the Soviet Union during his lifetime but was misleading.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEMontefiore2007xxiv_758-0">[755]  According to Montefiore, "it is clear from hostile and friendly witnesses alike that Stalin was always exceptional, even from childhood".<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEMontefiore2007xxiv_758-1">[755]  Stalin had a complex mind,<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004343_759-0">[756]  great self-control,<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEVolkogonov19918Service2004337_760-0">[757]  and an excellent memory.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest1991193,_274Volkogonov199163Service2004115Kotkin2014425Khlevniuk2015148_761-0">[758]  He was a hard worker,<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService200442Montefiore2007353Kotkin2014424,_465,_597_762-0">[759]  and displayed a keen desire to learn;<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004115_763-0">[760]  when in power, he scrutinised many details of Soviet life, from film scripts to architectural plans and military hardware.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEKhlevniuk20154–5_764-0">[761]  According to Volkogonov, "Stalin's private life and working life were one and the same"; he did not take days off from political activities.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEVolkogonov1991145_765-0">[762]

Stalin could play different roles to different audiences,<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest1991317Volkogonov1991xxviMcDermott200613_766-0">[763]  and was adept at deception, often deceiving others as to his true motives and aims.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest1991xviService200418McDermott200613_767-0">[764]  Several historians have seen it appropriate to follow Lazar Kaganovich's description of there being "several Stalins" as a means of understanding his multi-faceted personality.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEMcDermott200612–13_768-0">[765]  He was a good organiser,<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEMontefiore200342Kotkin2014424_769-0">[766]  with a strategic mind,<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEKotkin2014424_770-0">[767]  and judged others according to their inner strength, practicality, and cleverness.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004342_771-0">[768]  He acknowledged that he could be rude and insulting,<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEVolkogonov1991120Kotkin2014648_772-0">[769]  although rarely raised his voice in anger;<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004337_773-0">[770]  as his health deteriorated in later life he became increasingly unpredictable and bad tempered.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEKhlevniuk2015145_774-0">[771]  Despite his tough-talking attitude, he could be very charming;<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEMcCauley200392Montefiore200349–50Kotkin2014117,_465Kotkin20175_775-0">[772]  when relaxed, he cracked jokes and mimicked others.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004115_763-1">[760]  Montefiore suggested that this charm was "the foundation of Stalin's power in the Party".<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEMontefiore200341_776-0">[773]

Stalin was ruthless,<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004338Khlevniuk201553_777-0">[774]  temperamentally cruel,<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest1991318Khlevniuk20157_778-0">[775]  and had a propensity for violence high even among the Bolsheviks.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004337_773-1">[770]  He lacked compassion,<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEVolkogonov19914Khlevniuk20157_779-0">[776]  something Volkogonov suggested might have been accentuated by his many years in prison and exile,<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEVolkogonov19918_780-0">[777]  although he was capable of acts of kindness to strangers, even amid the Great Terror.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004334_781-0">[778]  He was capable of self-righteous indignation,<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004258Montefiore2007285_782-0">[779]  and was resentful,<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService20044,_344_783-0">[780]  vindictive,<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEKotkin2014597Kotkin20176_784-0">[781]  and vengeful, holding onto grievances against others for many years.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService200410,_344Kotkin20175_785-0">[782]  By the 1920s, he was also suspicious and conspiratorial, prone to believing that people were plotting against him and that there were vast international conspiracies behind acts of dissent.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004336Kotkin2014736_786-0">[783]  He never attended torture sessions or executions,<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEMontefiore2003175_787-0">[784]  although Service thought Stalin "derived deep satisfaction" from degrading and humiliating people and keeping even close associates in a state of "unrelieved fear".<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService20045_713-1">[710]  Montefiore thought Stalin's brutality marked him out as a "natural extremist";<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEMontefiore200742_788-0">[785]  Service suggested he had a paranoid or sociopathic personality disorder.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004343_759-1">[756]  Other historians linked his brutality not to any personality trait, but to his unwavering commitment to the survival of the Soviet Union and the international Marxist-Leninist cause.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEMcDermott200612_789-0">[786]

It is hard for me to reconcile the courtesy and consideration he showed me personally with the ghastly cruelty of his wholesale liquidations. Others, who did not know him personally, see only the tyrant in Stalin. I saw the other side as well – his high intelligence, that fantastic grasp of detail, his shrewdness and his surprising human sensitivity that he was capable of showing, at least in the war years. I found him better informed than Roosevelt, more realistic than Churchill, in some ways the most effective of the war leaders... I must confess that for me Stalin remains the most inscrutable and contradictory character I have known – and leave the final word to the judgment of history.

— U.S. ambassador W. Averell Harriman<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTELeffler200755–56_790-0">[787]

Keenly interested in the arts,<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEKotkin2014620_791-0">[788]  Stalin admired artistic talent.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEMontefiore200760_792-0">[789]  He protected several Soviet writers, such as Mikhail Bulgakov, even when their work was labelled harmful to his regime.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEKhlevniuk201596_793-0">[790]  He enjoyed music,<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEMontefiore200373Khlevniuk20156_794-0">[791]  owning around 2,700 albums,<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEKhlevniuk20156_795-0">[792]  and frequently attending the Bolshoi Theatre during the 1930s and 1940s.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEVolkogonov1991127,_148_796-0">[793]  His taste in music and theatre was conservative, favouring classical drama, opera, and ballet over what he dismissed as experimental "formalism".<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEKhlevniuk201597_717-1">[714]  He also favoured classical forms in the visual arts, disliking avant-garde styles like cubism and futurism.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEVolkogonov1991131_797-0">[794]  He was a voracious reader, with a library of over 20,000 books.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEMontefiore200386Service20049McDermott200619Kotkin20171–2,_5_798-0">[795]  Little of this was fiction,<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEKhlevniuk201593_799-0">[796]  although he could cite passages from Alexander Pushkin, Nikolay Nekrasov, and Walt Whitman by heart.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEMontefiore200760_792-1">[789]  He favoured historical studies, keeping up with debates in the study of Russian, Mesopotamian, ancient Roman, and Byzantine history.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004560_641-2">[638]  An autodidact,<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEMontefiore200386Kotkin2014117,_676_800-0">[797]  he claimed to read as many as 500 pages a day,<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEMcCauley200393Montefiore200386Service2004560McDermott200619_801-0">[798]  with Montefiore regarding him as an intellectual.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEMontefiore200386_802-0">[799]  Stalin also enjoyed watching films late at night at cinemas installed in the Kremlin and his dachas.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEVolkogonov1991127Khlevniuk20152–3_803-0">[800]  He favoured the Western genre;<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest1991282McCauley200390_804-0">[801]  his favourite film was the 1938 picture Volga Volga.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEMontefiore2003145_805-0">[802]

Stalin was a keen and accomplished billiards player,<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEMontefiore200358,_507Kotkin20171_806-0">[803]  and collected watches.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEKotkin20171_807-0">[804]  He also enjoyed practical jokes; he for instance would place a tomato on the seat of Politburo members and wait for them to sit on it.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest1991283Service2004437_808-0">[805]  When at social events, he encouraged singing,<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004522_809-0">[806]  as well as alcohol consumption; he hoped that others would drunkenly reveal their secrets to him.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEMcCauley200390Service2004437,_522–523Khlevniuk20155_810-0">[807] As an infant, Stalin displayed a love of flowers,<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEMontefiore200724_811-0">[808]  and later in life he became a keen gardener.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEMontefiore200724_811-1">[808]  His Volynskoe suburb had a 50-acre park, with Stalin devoting much attention to its agricultural activities.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEKhlevniuk20153–4_812-0">[809]

Stalin publicly condemned anti-Semitism,<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEMontefiore2007319,_637_813-0">[810]  although was repeatedly accused of it.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService200455_814-0">[811]  People who knew him, such as Khrushchev, suggested he long harbored negative sentiments toward Jews,<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEEtinger1995103Montefiore2007165_815-0">[812]  and anti-Semitic trends in his policies were further fueled by Stalin's struggle against Trotsky.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEEtinger1995103Rappaport1999297_816-0">[813]  After Stalin's death, Khrushchev claimed that Stalin encouraged him to incite anti-Semitism in Ukraine, allegedly telling him that "the good workers at the factory should be given clubs so they can beat the hell out of those Jews."<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEPinkus1984107–108Brackman2001390_817-0">[814]  In 1946, Stalin allegedly said privately that "every Jew is a potential spy."<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEBrentNaumov2004184_818-0">[815]  Conquest stated that although Stalin had Jewish associates, he promoted anti-Semitism.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest19918_819-0">[816]  Service cautioned that there was "no irrefutable evidence" of anti-Semitism in Stalin's published work, although his private statements and public actions were "undeniably reminiscent of crude antagonism towards Jews";<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004567–568_820-0">[817]  he added that throughout Stalin's lifetime, the Georgian "would be the friend, associate or leader of countless individual Jews".<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService200477_821-0">[818]  According to Beria, Stalin had affairs with several Jewish women.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEMontefiore2003237_822-0">[819]

Relationships and family


Stalin carrying his daughter, Svetlana

Friendship was important to Stalin,<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEMontefiore200749Fitzpatrick201565_823-0">[820]  and he used it to gain and maintain power.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEMontefiore200749_824-0">[821]  Kotkin observed that Stalin "generally gravitated to people like himself: parvenu intelligentsia of humble background".<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEKotkin20149_825-0">[822]  He gave nicknames to his favourites, for instance referring to Yezhov as "my blackberry".<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEMontefiore2003151_826-0">[823]  Stalin was sociable and enjoyed a joke.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004112_827-0">[824]  According to Montefiore, Stalin's friendships "meandered between love, admiration, and venomous jealousy".<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEMontefiore2003135_828-0">[825]  While head of the Soviet Union he remained in contact with many of his old friends in Georgia, sending them letters and gifts of money.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004522Montefiore2003135Montefiore2007368_829-0">[826]

Stalin was attracted to women and there are no reports of any homosexual tendencies;<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEMcCauley200390_830-0">[827]  according to Montefiore, in his early life Stalin "rarely seems to have been without a girlfriend".<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEMontefiore200773_52-1">[49]  He was sexually promiscuous, although rarely talked about his sex life.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEMontefiore2007209_831-0">[828]  Montefiore noted that Stalin's favoured types were "young, malleable teenagers or buxom peasant women",<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEMontefiore2007209_831-1">[828]  who would be supportive and unchallenging toward him.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService200480Montefiore2007209_832-0">[829]  According to Service, Stalin "regarded women as a resource for sexual gratification and domestic comfort".<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService200480_833-0">[830]  Stalin married twice and had several offspring.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEMcCauley200390_830-1">[827]

Stalin married his first wife, Ekaterina Svanidze, in 1906. According to Montefiore, theirs was "a true love match";<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEMontefiore20075_834-0">[831]  Volkogonov suggested that she was "probably the one human being he had really loved".<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEVolkogonov19914_835-0">[832]  When she died Stalin said "This creature softened my heart of stone."<sup id="cite_ref-836">[833]  They had a son, Yakov, who often frustrated and annoyed Stalin.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEVolkogonov1991149Service200464Montefiore2007167Khlevniuk201525_837-0">[834]  Yakov had a daughter, Galina, before fighting for the Red Army in the Second World War. He was captured by the German Army and then committed suicide.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEVolkogonov1991150–151Montefiore2007364_838-0">[835]

Stalin's second wife was Nadezhda Alliluyeva; theirs was not an easy relationship, and they often fought.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEMontefiore20038_839-0">[836]  They had two biological children—a son, Vasily, and a daughter, Svetlana—and adopted another son, Artyom Sergeev, in 1921.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEMontefiore20039_840-0">[837]  During his marriage to Nadezhda, Stalin had affairs with many other women, most of whom were fellow revolutionaries or their wives.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEMontefiore200313Khlevniuk2015255_841-0">[838]  Nadezdha suspected that this was the case,<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEMontefiore200312_842-0">[839]  and committed suicide in 1932.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEVolkogonov1991154Montefiore200316Khlevniuk2015255_843-0">[840]  Stalin regarded Vasily as spoiled and often chastised his behaviour; as Stalin's son, Vasily nevertheless was swiftly promoted through the ranks of the Red Army and allowed a lavish lifestyle.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEKhlevniuk2015257,_259–260_844-0">[841]  Conversely, Stalin had an affectionate relationship with Svetlana during her childhood,<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest1991215Volkogonov1991153Montefiore20039,_227Khlevniuk2015256_845-0">[842]  and was also very fond of Artyom.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEMontefiore20039_840-1">[837]  In later life, he disapproved of Svetlana's various suitors and husbands, putting a strain on his relationship with her.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest1991260Service2004521_846-0">[843]  After the Second World War he made little time for his children and his family played a decreasingly important role in his life.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEKhlevniuk2015250,_259_847-0">[844]  After Stalin's death, Svetlana changed her surname from Stalin to Allilueva,<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004593_668-1">[665]  and defected to the U.S.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEKhlevniuk2015260_848-0">[845]

After Nadezdha's death, Stalin became increasingly close to his sister-in-law Zhenya Alliluyeva;<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEMontefiore2003142–144_849-0">[846]  Montefiore believed that they were probably lovers.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEMontefiore2003144_850-0">[847]  There are unproven rumours that from 1934 onward he had a relationship with his housekeeper Valentina Istomina.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004521_851-0">[848]  Stalin had at least two illegitimate children,<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEMontefiore2007365_852-0">[849]  although he never recognised them as being his.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEKhlevniuk2015252_853-0">[850]  One of them, Konstantin Kuzakov, later taught philosophy at the Leningrad Military Mechanical Institute, but never met his father.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEMontefiore2007365–366_854-0">[851]  The other, Alexander, was the son of Lidia Pereprygia; he was raised as the son of a peasant fisherman and the Soviet authorities made him swear never to reveal that Stalin was his biological father.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEMontefiore2007366_855-0">[852]

Legacy


A poster of Stalin on the Unter den Linden in Berlin in 1945

The historian Robert Conquest stated that Stalin, "perhaps[…] determined the course of the twentieth century" more than any other individual.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest1991xi_856-0">[853]  Biographers like Service and Volkogonov have considered him an outstanding and exceptional politician;<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEVolkogonov1991108Service20045_857-0">[854]  Montefiore labelled Stalin as "that rare combination: both 'intellectual' and killer", a man who was "the ultimate politician" and "the most elusive and fascinating of the twentieth-century titans".<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEMontefiore2007xxii_858-0">[855]  According to historian Kevin McDermott, interpretations of Stalin range from "the sycophantic and adulatory to the vitriolic and condemnatory".<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEMcDermott20061_859-0">[856]  For most Westerners and anti-communist Russians, he is viewed overwhelmingly negatively as a mass murderer;<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEMcDermott20061_859-1">[856]  for significant numbers of Russians and Georgians, he is regarded as a great statesman and state-builder.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEMcDermott20061_859-2">[856]

Stalin strengthened and stabilised the Soviet Union;<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService20043_860-0">[857]  Service suggested that without him the country might have collapsed long before 1991.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService20043_860-1">[857]  In under three decades, Stalin transformed the Soviet Union into a major industrial world power,<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEVolkogonov1991546Service20043_861-0">[858]  one which could "claim impressive achievements" in terms of urbanisation, military strength, education, and Soviet pride.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004602_862-0">[859]  Under his rule, the average Soviet life expectancy grew due to improved living conditions, nutrition, and medical care;<sup id="cite_ref-upwards_863-0">[860]  mortality rates declined.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEEllman20021164_864-0">[861]  Although millions of Soviet citizens despised him, support for Stalin was nevertheless widespread throughout Soviet society.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004602_862-1">[859]

Stalin's Soviet Union has been characterised as a totalitarian state,<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004602Khlevniuk2015190_865-0">[862]  with Stalin its authoritarian leader.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEKotkin2014732_866-0">[863]  Various biographers have described him as a dictator,<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEMcCauley20038Service200452Montefiore20079Kotkin2014xiiKhlevniuk201512_867-0">[864]  an autocrat,<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest1991194Volkogonov199131Service2004370_868-0">[865]  or accused him of practicing Caesarism.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEVolkogonov199177_869-0">[866]  Montefiore argued that while Stalin initially ruled as part of a Communist Party oligarchy, in 1934 the Soviet government transformed from this oligarchy into a personal dictatorship,<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEMontefiore2003124_870-0">[867]  with Stalin only becoming "absolute dictator" between March and June 1937, when senior military and NKVD figures were eliminated.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEMontefiore2003215_871-0">[868]  According to Kotkin, Stalin "built a personal dictatorship within the Bolshevik dictatorship".<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEKotkin20144_714-1">[711]  In both the Soviet Union and elsewhere he came to be portrayed as an "Oriental despot".<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest1991xviiMcDermott20065_872-0">[869]  The biographer Dmitri Volkogonov characterised him as "one of the most powerful figures in human history",<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEVolkogonov1991xviii_873-0">[870]  while McDermott stated that Stalin had "concentrated unprecedented political authority in his hands",<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEMcDermott20062_874-0">[871]  and Service noted that by the late 1930s, Stalin "had come closer to personal despotism than almost any monarch in history".<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004370_875-0">[872]



A contingent from the Communist Party of Great Britain (Marxist–Leninist) carrying a banner of Stalin at a May Day march through London in 2008.

McDermott nevertheless cautioned against "over-simplistic stereotypes"—promoted in the fiction of writers like Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn, Vasily Grossman, and Anatoly Rybakov—that portrayed Stalin as an omnipotent and omnipresent tyrant who controlled every aspect of Soviet life through repression and totalitarianism.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEMcDermott20065–6_876-0">[873]  Service similarly warned of the portrayal of Stalin as an "unimpeded despot", noting that "powerful though he was, his powers were not limitless", and his rule depended on his willingness to conserve the Soviet structure he had inherited.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService20048,_9_877-0">[874]  Kotkin observed that Stalin's ability to remain in power relied on him having a majority in the Politburo at all times.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEKotkin2014596_878-0">[875] Khlevniuk noted that at various points, particularly when Stalin was old and frail, there were "periodic manifestations" in which the party oligarchy threatened his autocratic control.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEKhlevniuk2015145_774-1">[771]  Stalin denied to foreign visitors that he was a dictator, stating that those who labelled him such did not understand the Soviet governance structure.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest1991182_879-0">[876]

A vast literature devoted to Stalin has been produced.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEKhlevniuk2015ix_880-0">[877]  During Stalin's lifetime, his approved biographies were largely hagiographic in content.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService20044_881-0">[878]  Stalin ensured that these works gave very little attention to his early life, particularly because he did not wish to emphasise his Georgian origins in a state numerically dominated by Russians.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService200413_882-0">[879]  Since his death many more biographies have been written,<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService20046_883-0">[880]  although until the 1980s these relied largely on the same sources of information.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService20046_883-1">[880]  Under Mikhail Gorbachev's Soviet administration various previously classified files on Stalin's life were made available to historians,<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService20046_883-2">[880]  at which point Stalin became "one of the most urgent and vital issues on the public agenda" in the Soviet Union.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest1991xiii_884-0">[881]  After the dissolution of the Union in 1991, the rest of the archives were opened to historians, resulting in much new information about Stalin coming to light,<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService20046Montefiore2007xxi_885-0">[882]  and producing a flood of new research.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEKhlevniuk2015ix_880-1">[877]

Leninists remain divided in their views on Stalin; some view him as Lenin's authentic successor, while others believe he betrayed Lenin's ideas by deviating from them.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService20045_713-2">[710]  The socio-economic nature of Stalin's Soviet Union has also been much debated, varyingly being labelled a form of state socialism, state capitalism, bureaucratic collectivism, or a totally unique mode of production.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTESandle1999265–266_886-0">[883]  Socialist writers like Volkogonov have acknowledged that Stalin's actions damaged "the enormous appeal of socialism generated by the October Revolution".<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEVolkogonov1991173_887-0">[884]

Death toll and allegations of genocide
Main article: Excess mortality in the Soviet Union under Joseph Stalin

With a high number of excess deaths occurring under his rule, Stalin has been labeled "one of the most notorious figures in history".<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService20043_860-2">[857]  These deaths occurred as a result of collectivisation, famine, terror campaigns, disease, war and mortality rates in the Gulag. As the majority of excess deaths under Stalin were not direct killings, the exact number of victims of Stalinism is difficult to calculate due to lack of consensus among scholars on which deaths can be attributed to the regime.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEEllman20021163-1164_888-0">[885]



Interior of the Gulag Museum in Moscow



Victims of Stalin's Great Terror in the Bykivnia mass graves

Official records reveal 799,455 documented executions in the Soviet Union between 1921 and 1953; 681,692 of these were carried out between 1937 and 1938, the years of the Great Purge.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEGettyRitterspornZemskov19931022_889-0">[886]  However, according to Michael Ellman, the best modern estimate for the number of repression deaths during the Great Purge is 950,000–1.2 million, which includes executions, deaths in detention, or soon after their release.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEEllman20021162-1163_890-0">[887]  In addition, while archival data shows that 1,053,829 perished in the Gulag from 1934 to 1953,<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEGettyRitterspornZemskov19931024_891-0">[888]  the current historical consensus is that of the 18 million people who passed through the Gulag system from 1930 to 1953, between 1.5 and 1.7 million died as a result of their incarceration.<sup id="cite_ref-892">[889]  The historian and archival researcher Stephen G. Wheatcroft and Michael Ellman attribute roughly 3 million deaths to the Stalinist regime, including executions and deaths from criminal negligence.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEWheatcroft19961334,_1348_893-0">[890] <sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEEllman20021172_894-0">[891]  Wheatcoft and historian Robert Davies estimate famine deaths at 5.5–6.5 million<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEDaviesWheatcroft2004401_895-0">[892]  while scholar Steven Rosefielde gives a number of 8.7 million.<sup id="cite_ref-896">[893]  The American historian Timothy D. Snyder in 2011 summarised modern data, made after the opening of the Soviet archives in the 1990s, and concludes that Stalin's regime was responsible for 9 million deaths, with 6 million of these being deliberate killings. He notes that the estimate is far lower than the estimates of 20 million or above which were made before access to the archives.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTESnyder2010384Snyder2011_897-0">[894]

Historians continue to debate whether or not the 1932–33 Ukrainian famine—known in Ukraine as the Holodomor—should be called a genocide.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEMoore2012367_898-0">[895]  Twenty-six countries officially recognise it under the legal definition of genocide. In 2006, the Ukrainian Parliament declared it to be such,<sup id="cite_ref-899">[896]  and in 2010 a Ukrainian court posthumously convicted Stalin, Lazar Kaganovich, Stanislav Kosior, and other Soviet leaders of genocide.<sup id="cite_ref-900">[897] <sup id="cite_ref-TNYRoBSZTDS_901-0">[898]  Popular among some Ukrainian nationalists is the idea that Stalin consciously organised the famine to suppress national desires among the Ukrainian people. This interpretation has been rejected by more recent historical studies.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTETauger20011_902-0">[899]  These have articulated the view that—while Stalin's policies contributed significantly to the high mortality rate—there is no evidence that Stalin or the Soviet government consciously engineered the famine.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEDaviesWheatcroft2004xiv,_441DaviesWheatcroft2006628_903-0">[900] <sup id="cite_ref-904">[901]  The idea that this was a targeted attack on the Ukrainians is complicated by the widespread suffering that also affected other Soviet peoples in the famine, including the Russians, and the fact that more died in Kazakhstan than Ukraine itself.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTENaimark200846Kuromiya2008667_905-0">[902]  Within Ukraine, ethnic Poles and Bulgarians died in similar proportions to ethnic Ukrainians.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEKuromiya2008668_906-0">[903]  Despite any lack of clear intent on Stalin's part, the historian Norman Naimark noted that although there may not be sufficient "evidence to convict him in an international court of justice as a genocidaire[...] that does not mean that the event itself cannot be judged as genocide".<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTENaimark200845_907-0">[904]

Michael Ellman argues that mass deaths from famines are not a "uniquely Stalinist evil", and compares the behavior of the Stalinist regime vis-à-vis the Holodomor to that of the British empire (towards Ireland and India) and even the G8 in contemporary times, saying that he is sympathetic to the idea that the latter "are guilty of mass manslaughter or mass deaths from criminal negligence because of their not taking obvious measures to reduce mass deaths." He argues that a possible defense of Stalin and his associates is that "their behaviour was no worse than that of many rulers in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries."<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEEllman20021172_894-1">[891]

In the Soviet Union and its successor states


Interior of the Joseph Stalin Museum in Gori, Georgia

Shortly after his death, the Soviet Union went through a period of de-Stalinization. Malenkov denounced the Stalin personality cult,<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest1991314_908-0">[905]  which was subsequently criticised in Pravda.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004592_909-0">[906]  In 1956, Khruschev gave his "Secret Speech", titled "On the Cult of Personality and Its Consequences", to a closed session of the Party's 20th Congress. There, Khrushchev denounced Stalin for both his mass repression and his personality cult.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest1991314Volkogonov1991577–579Service2004594_910-0">[907]  He repeated these denunciations at the 22nd Party Congress in October 1962.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004594_911-0">[908]  In October 1961, Stalin's body was removed from the mausoleum and buried in the Kremlin Wall Necropolis next to the Kremlin walls, the location marked only by a simple bust.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEVolkogonov1991576Service2004594_912-0">[909]  Stalingrad was renamed Volgograd.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004595_913-0">[910]

Khrushchev's de-Stalinisation process in Soviet society ended when he was replaced as leader by Leonid Brezhnev in 1964; the latter introduced a level of re-Stalinisation within the Soviet Union.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest1991315Service2004595_914-0">[911]  In 1969 and again in 1979, plans were proposed for a full rehabilitation of Stalin's legacy, but on both occasions were defeated by critics within the Soviet and international Marxist-Leninist movement.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEConquest1991315_915-0">[912]  Gorbachev saw the total denunciation of Stalin as necessary for the regeneration of Soviet society.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004596_916-0">[913]  After the fall of the Soviet Union in 1991, the first President of the new Russian Federation, Boris Yeltsin, continued Gorbachev's denunciation of Stalin but added to it a denunciation of Lenin.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004596_916-1">[913]  His successor, Vladimir Putin, did not seek to rehabilitate Stalin but emphasised the celebration of Soviet achievements under Stalin's leadership rather than the Stalinist repressions;<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004596–597_917-0">[914]  however, in October 2017 Putin opened the Wall of Grief memorial in Moscow, noting that the "terrible past" would neither be "justified by anything" nor "erased from the national memory".<sup id="cite_ref-memorial_918-0">[915]



Marxist–Leninist activists from the Communist Party of the Russian Federation laying wreaths at Stalin's Moscow grave in 2009

Amid the social and economic turmoil of the post-Soviet period, many Russians viewed Stalin as having overseen an era of order, predictability, and pride.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004598_919-0">[916]  He remains a revered figure among many Russian nationalists, who feel nostalgic about the Soviet victory over Nazi Germany in World War II,<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService20047_920-0">[917]  and he is regularly invoked approvingly within both Russia's far-left and far-right.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004599_921-0">[918]  In the 2008 Name of Russia television show, Stalin was voted as the third most notable personality in Russian history.<sup id="cite_ref-922">[919]  Polling by the Levada Center suggest Stalin's popularity has grown since 2015, with 46% of Russians expressing a favourable view of him in 2017 and 51% in 2019.<sup id="cite_ref-923">[920] <sup id="cite_ref-924">[921]  At the same time, there was a growth in pro-Stalinist literature in Russia, much relying upon the misrepresentation or fabrication of source material.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEKhlevniuk2015x_925-0">[922]  In this literature, Stalin's repressions are regarded either as a necessary measure to defeat "enemies of the people" or the result of lower-level officials acting without Stalin's knowledge.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEKhlevniuk2015x_925-1">[922]

The only part of the former Soviet Union where admiration for Stalin has remained consistently widespread is Georgia.<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService2004597_926-0">[923]  Many Georgians resent criticism of Stalin, the most famous figure from their nation's modern history;<sup id="cite_ref-FOOTNOTEService20047_920-1">[917]  a 2013 survey by Tbilisi University found 45% of Georgians expressing "a positive attitude" to him.<sup id="cite_ref-927">[924]  Some positive sentiment can also be found elsewhere in the former Soviet Union. A 2012 survey commissioned by the Carnegie Endowment found 38% of Armenians concurring that their county "will always have need of a leader like Stalin".<sup id="cite_ref-928">[925] <sup id="cite_ref-929">[926]  In early 2010 a new monument to Stalin was erected in Zaporizhia, Ukraine;<sup id="cite_ref-TNYRoBSZTDS_901-1">[898]  in December unknown persons cut off its head and in 2011 it was destroyed in an explosion.<sup id="cite_ref-RIAN25212YS_930-0">[927]  In a 2016 Kiev International Institute of Sociology poll, 38% of respondents had a negative attitude to Stalin, 26% a neutral one and 17% a positive (19% refused to answer).<sup id="cite_ref-931">[928]